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^ontc3uma  BDition 

THE    WORKS    OF    WILLIAM    H.  PRESCOTT 

TWENTY-TWO   VOLUMES 

Vol.  VI 


The  Montezuma  Edition  of  William  H.  Prescott's 
Works  is  limited  to  one  thoiLsand  copies,  of  which 
this  is 


tnontejuma  £&ition 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Conquest  of  Peru 


BY 

WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT 


EDITED    BY 

WILFRED  HAROLD  MUNRO 

PROFESSOR    or    ZUROPEAN     HISTORY     IN     BROWN     UNIVERSITY 


AND    COMPRISING   THE    NOTES    OF    THE    EDITION    BY 
JOHN    FOSTER    KIRK 


Congestae  cumulantur  opes,  orbisque  rapinas 
Accipit. 

Claudian,  In  Ruf.,  lib.  i.  v.  194 

So  color  de  religion 

Van  {{  buscar  plata  y  oro 

Del  encubierto  tesoro. 

Lope  de  Vega,  El  Nuevo  Mundo,  Jorn.  1 


VOL.  II 

PHILADELPHIA  AND  LONDON 

J.   B.   LIPPINCOTT    COMPANY 


Copyright,  1847,  by  William  H.  Prkscott 

Copyright,  1874,  by  J.  B.  Lippincott  &  Co. 

Copyright,  1874,  by  William  G.  Prescott 

Copyright,  1902,  by  John  Foster  Kirk 

Copyright,  1904,  by  J.  B.  Lippincott  Cohpani 


Electrotyped  and  Printed  by 
J.  B.  Lippincott  Company,  Philadelphia,  U.  S.  A. 


CONTENTS    OF   VOL.  II 


p  {.I  X'  -' 

V.  -. 

BOOK    III 

CONQUEST     OF     PERU 

CHAPTER    I 

PiZAHRO's     ReCEPTIOK     AT    CoURT HiS     CAPITULATION     WITH     THE 

Crown — He  visits  His  Birthplace — Returns  to  the  Xew 
World — Difficulties  with  Almagro — His  Third  Expedition 
— Rich   Indian   Booty — Battles  in  the   Isle  of  PunX 

PAGE 

Pizarro   in   Spain 3 

Gracious  Reception  at  Court 4> 

Relates  his  Adventures  to  the  Emperor 5 

His  capitulation  with  the  Crown 7 

Dignities  conferred  on  him 7 

Provisions  in  Behalf  of  the  Natives 10 

Grasping  Spirit  of  Pizarro 11 

He  visits  his  Birthplace 13 

The    Pizarro    Family 14 

His   Brother  Hernando 14 

Obstacles  to  the  Expedition 16 

Sails  and  crosses  to  Nombre  de  Dios 17 

Almagro  greatly  discontented 17 

A  Rupture  with  Difficulty  prevented 19 

Expedition  fitted  out  at  Panamd 20 

Pizarro's  final   Voyage  to  Peru     .......  22 

Driven  into  the  Bay  of  St.  Matthew 22 

Lands  his   Forces 22 

Plunders  an   Indian   Village 23 

Division  of  Spoil       .                24 

He  marches  along  the  Coast 25 

Sufferings  and  Discontent  of  the  Spaniards         .         .         .         .27 

They  reach  Puerto  Viejo         .         . 28 

Joined    by    Reinforcements 28 

Cross  to  Isle  of  Pund 28 

Conspiracy  of  its   Inhabitants 30 

They  attack  the  Spanish  Camp 31 

Arrival  of  De  Soto  with  Recruits 33 

V 


vi  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II 


CHAPTER    II 

Pk»u  at  the  Time  of  the  Coxguest — Reigx  of  Huayna 
Capac — The  Ixca  Brothers — Contest  for  the  Empire — Tri- 
umph AND  Cruelties  of  Atahuallpa 

PAGE 

The   Inca   Huayna   Capac 35 

His  Apprehensions  respecting  the  White  Men     .         .         .         .37 

Prognostics  of  Trouble  in  Peru 37 

Atahuallpa   the   Inca's   Son 40 

Shares  the  Empire  with  his  Brother  Huascar     .         .         .         .40 

Causes  of  Jealousy   between  them 43 

Commencement   of  Hostilities 44 

Huascar's   Forces   defeated 45 

Ravage   of    Canaris 46 

Atahuallpa  marches  on  Cuzco 47 

His  victory  at  Quipaypan 48 

Capture   of   Huascar 48 

Accounts  of  Atahuallpa's  Cruelties 49 

Reasons  for  doubting  their  Accuracy 50 

Atahuallpa's   Triumph 52 

His  Want  of  Foresight 53 

CHAPTER    III 

The  Spaniards  land  at  Tumbez — Pizarro  reconnoitres  the 
Country — Foundation  of  San  Miguel — March  into  the 
Interior — Embassy  from  the  Inca — Ad\'enture3  on  the 
March — Reach  the  Foot  of  the  Andes 

Spaniards  pass  over  to  Tumbez 54 

The  Place  deserted  and  dismantled 55 

Its    Curaca   captured 56 

Pizarro  reconnoitres  the  Country 58 

His  conciliating  Policy 59 

He  founds  San  Miguel 60 

lycarns  the  State  of  the  Kingdom 62 

Determines  to  strike  into  the  Interior 63 

His    probable    Intentions 64 

Boldness  of  the  Enterprise 65 

Marches  through  the  Level  Country 65 

Hospitality  of  the  Natives 66 

Discontent  in  the  Army 67 

Pizarro's   Expedient  to  quiet  it 68 

Reception   at   Zaran 69 

Envoy   from  the   Inca 70 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II  vii 

PAOX 

Courteously  received  by  Pizarro 71 

His  Message  to  the  Inca 72 

De   Soto's   Expe<liton 73 

His  Accounts  of  the  Indian  Empire 73 

March   towards   Caxamalca 76 

Contradictory    Information 77 

Emissary   to   Atahuallpa 77 

Effective   Eloquence  of  Pizarro 80 

CHAPTER    IV 
Severe  Passage  of  the  Andes — Embassies  from  Atahuallpa — 
The  Spaniards  reach  Caxamalca — Embassy  to  the  Inca — 
Interview  with  the  Inca — Despondency  of  the  Spaniards 

March  over  the  Andes 81 

Fearful  Passes  of  the  Sierra 82 

Toilsome  and  Dangerous  Ascent 82 

Mountain    Fortresses 83 

The  Army  gain  the  Summit 84 

Indian   Embassy 85 

Lofty  Tone  of  Pizarro 86 

Return  of  the  Spanish  Envoy 87 

Different  Accounts  of  Atahuallpa 88 

Bold  Descent  of  the  Cordilleras 89 

Beautiful  Valley  of  Caxamalca 89 

Imposing  View  of  the  Peruvian  Camp 90 

Entrance  into  Caxamalca 91 

Description  of  the  City 92 

De  Soto  sent  to  Atahuallpa 94 

His  Interview  with  the  Monarch 97 

Haughty  Demeanor  of  the  Latter 98 

His  Reply  to  Pizarro 98 

Soto's  Exhibition  of  Horsemanship 99 

Gloomy  Forebodings  of  the  Spaniards 100 

Courage   of   Pizarro 101 

Daring  Plan  for  seizing  the  Inca 102 

Reasons  for  its  Adoption 103 

CHAPTER    V 

Desperate  Plan  of  Pizarro — Atahuallpa  visits  the  Spaniards 
— Horrible  Massacre — The  Inca  a  Prisoner — Conduct  of 
THE  Conquerors — Splendid  Promises  of  the  Inca — Death 
OF  Huascar 

Disposition  of  the  Spanish  Troops 106 

Religious  Ceremonies 107 


viii  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II 

PAQB 

Approach  of  the  Inca 108 

Designs  not  to  enter  the  Town 110 

Disappointment  of  the  Spaniards 110 

Atahuallpa  changes  his  Purpose Ill 

Leaves  his  Warriors  lieliind 112 

Enters  the  great  Square 112 

Urged  to  embrace  Christianity 114 

He  rejects  it  with  Disdain 115 

General  Attack  of  the  Spaniards 117 

Bloody  Massacre  of  the  Peruvians 118 

Seizure   of   Atahuallpa 120 

Dispersion  of  his  Army 121 

Demeanor  of  the  Captive  Monarch 123 

His  probable  Designs 124 

Courteously  treated  by  Pizarro 125 

Indian  Prisoners 127 

Rich  Spoils  of  the  Inca 128 

Magnificent  OflFer  of  Atahuallpa 130 

Accepted  by  Pizarro 131 

Inca's  Mode  of  Life  in  Captivity 132 

Refuses  to  embrace  Christianity 133 

Assassination  of  his  Brother  Huascar 135 


CHAPTER    VI 

Gold  ahrives  fob  the  Ransom — Visit  to  Pachacamac — Demoli- 
tion OF  THE  Idol — The  Inca's  favorite  General — The  Inca's 
Life  in  Confinement — Envoys'  Conduct  in  Cuzco — Arrival 
OF  Almaoro 

Slow   Arrival   of  the  Ransom 138 

Rumors  of  an  Indian  Rising 139 

Emissaries  sent  to  Cuzco 140 

City  and  Temple  of  Pachacamac 140 

Hernando  Pizarro's  March  thither 142 

Great  Road  of  the  Inciis 142 

Herds  of  Llamas 143 

Rich  Cultivation  of  the  Valleys \4ii 

Hernando's  Arrival  at  the  City 145 

Forcible  Entry  into  the  Temple 145 

Horror  of  the  Natives 146 

Destruction  of  the  Indian  Idol 147 

Small  Amount  of  Booty 148 

Hernando  marches  against  Challcuchima 14'8 

Persuades  him  fo  visit  Caxamalca 150 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II  ix 

PAOK 

Interview  of  Atahuallpa  with  his  General 151 

The  Inca's  absolute  Authority 151 

His  Personal  Habits  and  Appearance 152 

Return  of  the  Emissaries  from  Cuzco 153 

Magnificent  Reports  of  the  City 154 

They  stripped  the  Gold  from  the  Temples 154 

ITieir  Insolence  and  Rapacity 155 

Return  with  Loads  of  Treasure 156 

Almagro  arrives  in  Peru 156 

Brings  a  large  Reinforcement 156 

Joins  Pizarro's  Camp 158 

Superstitious  Bodings  of  Atahuallpa 159 

CHAPTER    VII 

Immekbe  Amount  of  Treasure — Its  Division"  among  the  Troops 
— Rumors  of  a  Rising — Trial  of  the  Inca — His  Execution 
— Reflections 

Division  of  the  Inca's  Ransom 161 

Hernando  takes  the  Royal  Fifth  to  Spain 163 

His  Jealousy  of  Almagro 163 

Enormous  Amount  of  the  Treasure 164 

Difficulties  in  its  Distribution 166 

Shares  of  the  Pizarros 168 

Those  of  the  Soldiers 168 

Exclusion  of  Almagro  and  his  Followers 170 

Preparations  for  the  March  to  Cuzco 171 

The  Inca  demands  his  Liberty 171 

Equivocal  Conduct  of  Pizarro 172 

The   Interpreter   Felipillo 173 

The  Inca  charged  with  inciting  Insurrection         .         .         .         .174 

His  Protestations  of  Innocence 175 

His  Apprehensions 175 

Fears  and  Murmurs  of  the  Spaniards 176 

They  (demand  the  Inca's  Death 176 

He  is  brought  to  Trial 178 

Charges  against  him 178 

Condemned  to  be  burnt  alive 180 

Some  protest  against  the  Sentence 180 

The  Inca  entirely  unmanned 182 

His  earnest  Entreaties  for  Mercy 182 

Led  to  Execution 183 

Abjures  his  Religion 184 

Perishes  by  the  Garrote 184 

His  Character  and  Appearance 185 


X  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II 

PACK 

Funeral  Obsequies 186 

Return  of  De  Soto 188 

His  Indignation  and  Astonishment 188 

Reflections  on  the  Inca's  Treatment 189 

Responsibility  of  Pizarro 190 

Motives  of  Personal  Pique 192 

Views  of  Chroniclers  respecting  the  Execution    ....  193 


CHAPTER    Vni 

Disorders  ix  Peru — March  to  Cuzco — Encounter  with  the 
Natives — Challcuchima  burnt — Arrival  in  Cuzco — De- 
scription of  the  City — Treasure  found  there 

Authority  of  the  Inca  in  Peru 195 

Effects  of  Atahuallpa's  Death 196 

New  Inca  appointed  by  Pizarro 197 

March  to  Cuzco 198 

Formidable  Mountain-Passes 199 

Tedious  and  painful  Route 200 

Conflict  with  the  Indians 201 

Pizarro  halts  at  Xauxa 202 

De  Soto  sent  forward 202 

Furiously  assaulted  in  the  Sierra 203 

Fierce  Battle  with  the  Indians 203 

Apprehesions  of  the  Spaniards 204 

Arrival  of  Succors 205 

The  Peruvians  retreat 206 

Challcuchima  accused  of  Conspiracy 207 

Death  of  the  Inca  Toparca 208 

Rich  Vale  of  Xaquixaguana 209 

Trial  and  Condemnation  of  Challcuchima 210 

Burned  alive  before  the  Army 210 

Spaniards  arrive  at  Cuzco 212 

Entrance  into  the  Capital 213 

Its  large  Population 214 

Gorgeous  Edifices 215 

Its  massive  Fortress 216 

Temple  of  the  Sun 218 

Plunder  of  the  Public  Buildings 219 

Amount  of  Treasure  secured 220 

Its  Division  among  the  Troops 221 

Its  Effect  upon  the  Spaniards 222 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II  xi 


CHAPTER    IX 

New  Inca  crowned — Municipal  Regulations — Terrible  March 
OF  Alvarado — Interview  with  Pizarro — Foundation  of 
Lima — Hernando  Pizarro  reaches  Spain — Sensation  at 
Court — Feuds  of  Almagro  and  the  Pizarros 

PAGE 

Inca  Manco  crowned 224 

Spanish  Government  in  Cuzco 226 

Christian  Churches  founded 228 

Labors  of  the  Missionaries 229 

Sharp  Encounters  with  the  Natives 230 

Landing  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado 231 

His  March  to  Quito 232 

Terrible  Passage  of  the  Puertos  Nevados 232 

Sufferings  from  Cold  and  Starvation 233 

Eruption  of  Cotopaxi 234 

Alvarado  reaches  the  Table-land 235 

Benalcazar's  Expedition 236 

Almagro's   Pursuit 237 

Agreement  between  Alvarado  and  Almagro 238 

Pizarro  at  Xauxa 240 

His  Meeting  with  Alvarado 241 

Site  for  a  new  Capital 242 

Foundation  of  Lima 244 

Almagro  goes  to  Cuzco 246 

Hernando  Pizarro  sent  to  Spain 246 

Admitted  to  an  Audience  by  the  Emperor 247 

Royal  Grants  to  the  Conquerors 248 

Sensation  produced  by  his  Accounts 249 

Returns  with  a  large  Armament 250 

His  Sufferings  at  Nombre  de  Dios 251 

Elation  of  Almagro 252 

Difficulty  between  him  and  Pizarro 254 

Reconciliation  effected 255 

Singular  Compact 255 

Almagro's  Expedition  to  Chili 256 

Pizarro  embelishes  his  Capital 258 

His  tranquil  Occupations 258 


xii  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    U 

CHAPTER    X 

Escape  of  the  Inca — Return  of  Hehnando  Pizahro — Rising 
OF  THE  Peruvians — Siege  and  Burning  of  Cuzco — Distresses 
or  THE  Spaniards — Storming  of  the  Fortress — Pizahro's 
Dismay — The  Inca  raises  the  Siege 

PACK 

Condition  of  the  conquered  Country 260 

Inca  Manco 261 

Conspiracy  of  the  Peruvians 262 

Escape  and  Recapture  of  the  Inca 263 

Kindly  treated  by  Hernando  Pizarro 264 

The  Inca's  final  Escape 265 

Hotly  pursued  by  Juan  Pizarro 265 

Defeated  on  the  Yucay 268 

Juan  Pizarro  entangled  in  the  Mountains 268 

Summoned  back  to  Cuzco 268 

The  Indians  besiege  it 268 

Anxiety  of  the  Spaniards 269 

Firing  of  the  City 271 

Terrible  Conflagration 271 

Perilous  Condition  of  the  Spaniards 273 

Desperate  Combats 274 

Distress  of  the  Besieged 276 

Their  resolute  Determination 278 

Furious  Sally 279 

Discipline  of  the  Natives 279 

Terrible  Slaughter  of  them 280 

The  Spaniards  storm  the  Citadel 282 

Death  of  Juan  Pizarro 283 

Heroism  of  an  Inca  Noble 284 

The  Fortress  taken 285 

Scarcity  of  Provisions 285 

Reinforcements  cut  off 288 

Consternation  of  the  Spaniards 288 

Pizarro  seeks  Supplies  from  the  North 289 

The  Inca  withdraws  his  Forces 290 

Chivalrous   Encounters 291 

Attempt  to  seize  the  Inca 292 

Attack  on  his  Quarters  at  Tambo 292 

The  Sjianiards  comi)eIled  to  retreat 293 

Biographical  Notice  of  Pedro  Pizarro 294 

Notice  of  Montesinos 297 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    II  xui 

BOOK    IV 

CIVIL   WARS   OF   THE    CONQUERORS 

CHAPTER    I 
Alamaoro's  March  to  Chili — Sufferings  of  the  Troops — He 

RETURNS    AND   SEIZES    CUZCO AcTION    OF    AbANCAY GaSPAH    DE 

EspiNosA — Almaoro   leaves  Cuzco — Negotiations   with    Pi- 

ZARRO 

PAOK 

Almagro  sets  out  for  Chili 301 

Wild  Scenery  of  the  Andes 302 

Numbers  perish  of  Cold  and  Famine 302 

Horrible  Sufferings  of  his  Army 302 

Cruelty  towards  his  Indian  Allies 303 

Overtaken  by  Rodrigo  de  Orgonez 304 

Receives  bad  Tidings  from  the  South 305 

Returns  by  the  Desert  of  Atacama 306 

Many  perish  among  the  Sands 306 

Arrives  near  Cuzco 307 

Battle  with  the  Inca's  Troops 308 

Claims  Jurisdiction  over  Cuzco 308 

Takes  Possession  of  the  Place 311 

Captures  Hernando  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro 311 

Orgofiez  advises  their  Death 312 

Marches  against  Alonso  de  Alvarado 312 

Battle  of  Abancay 313 

Almagro  defeats  and  takes  him  Prisoner 314 

Returns  to  Cuzco 315 

Pizarro  greatly  alarmed 315 

Sends  Espinosa  to  negotiate 316 

Death  of  his  Emissary 317 

Critical  Situation  of  the  Brothers  Pizarro 318 

Almagro  leaves  Cuzco  for  the  Coast 319 

Stormy  Conference  with  Francisco  Pizarro 321 

Bitter  Feelings  of  Almagro 322 

Politic  Concessions  of  Pizarro 323 

Treaty  concluded  between  them 323 

Hernando  set  at  Liberty 323 


xiv  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    U 

CHAPTER    II 

FiEST  Civil  Wak — Almagro  retreats  to  Cuzco — Battix  of  Las 
Salinas — Cruelty  of  the  Conquerors — Trial  and  Execu- 
tion OF  Almagro — His  Character 

FikCE 

Plzarro  prepares  for  War 325 

Perfidiously  breaks  the  Treaty 326 

Almagro  disabled  by  Illness 327 

He  retreats  to  Cuzco 327 

Orgoiiez  takes  Command  of  the  Forces 328 

Hernando  Plzarro  marches  against  him 330 

Composition  of  the  Army 330 

His  Order  of  Battle 331 

Attacks  Orgoiiez 332 

Bloody  Battle  of  Las  Salinas 333 

Heroism  and  Death  of  Orgoiiez 334 

Rout  of  the  Army 335 

Almagro  taken  Prisoner 335 

Assassination  of  Pedro  de  Lerma 336 

Hernando  occupies  Cuzco 338 

Illness  and  Distress  of  Almagro 338 

He  is  brought  to  Trial 339 

Sentenced  to  Death 340 

Earnestly  sues  for  Life 341 

Appoints  his  Son  his  Successor 342 

Is  strangled  in  Prison 343 

His  Character 345 

His  free  and  liberal  Temper 345 

Unfortunate  Connection  with  Pizarro 347 

CHAPTER    III 

Pizarro  revisits  Cuzco — Hernando  returns  to  Castile — His 
Long  Imprisonment — Commissioner  sent  to  Peru — Hostili- 
ties WITH  the  Inca — Pizarro's  active  Administration — Gon- 
ZAi/)  Pizarro 

Pizarro  marciics  towards  Cuzco 348 

I^earns   Almagro's  Death 34f) 

His  own   Agency  in   it 350 

His  arrogant  Conduct 351 

Gross   Partiality  to  his  Family 35^ 

Hernando  returns  witli  much  Gold  to  Spain 353 

His  Warning  to  his  Brother 353 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    H  xv 

PAGI 

Coldly  received  at  Court 355 

Is  thrown  into  Prison 356 

Detained  there  for  many  Years 356 

His  character 357 

Disorderly  State  of  Peru 358 

Commissioners  sent  out  by  the  Crown 359 

Vaca  de  Castro  arrives  in  Peru 360 

War  with  the  Inca  Manco 361 

Cruelty  of  Pizarro  to  one  of  his  Wives 363 

Pizarro  establishes  Settlements  in  Peru 364 

His  Journey  to  Lima 365 

His  efficient  Administration 365 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  sent  to  Quito 366 

Character  of  that  Chief 366 


CHAPTER    IV 

Gonzalo  Pizarro's  Expedition — Passage  across  the  Mountains 
— Disco%t:rs  the  Napo — Incredible  Sufferings — Orellana 
sails  down  the  Amazon — Despair  of  the  Spaniards — The 
Survivors  return  to  Quito 

Expedition  to  the  Land  of  Cinnamon 368 

Gonzalo  leads  it 369 

Tempestuous  Weather  on  the  March 370 

Forests  of  enormous  Growth 371 

Miseries  and  SuflFerings  of  the  Spaniards 372 

They  arrive  on  the  Borders  of  the  Napo 372 

Stupendous   Cataract 373 

Perilous  Passage  of  the  River 374 

They  construct  a  Brigantine 375 

Orellana  takes  Command  of  it 376 

They  reach  the  Banks  of  the  Amazon 377 

Orellana's  Wonderful  Voyage 379 

His   subsequent   Fate 380 

Dismal  Situation  of  the  Spaniards 381 

Courageous  Spirit  of  Gonzalo 381 

Their  Return  through  the  Wilderness 383 

Frightful  Mortality 383 

Survivors  re-enter  Quito 384 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


FAOB 


The  Assassikatiok  of  Francisco  Pizabbo Frontispiece 

From  a  painting  especially  made  for  this  edition  by  F.  Courboin. 

FaC-SIMILE  of  two  SiOKATUHES  of  FaAKCUCO  PiZAEBO 3 


The  Inca  Huascar    40 

After  the  painting  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society. 

The  Inca  Atahitallpa 184 

After  the  painting  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society. 

Hernando  De  Soto    204 

After  an  engraving  in  "Ritratos  de  los  Espagnoles  illustres, 
1791." 

The  Inca  Manco  Capac    224 

After  the  painting  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society. 


BOOK  III 

CONQUEST    OF    PERU 


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CONQUEST  OF  PERU 


CHAPTER   I 

PIZARRO'S     RECEPTION    AT     COURT HIS     CAPITU- 
LATION    WITH     THE     CROWN HE     VISITS     HIS 

BIRTHPLACE  —  RETURNS    TO    THE    NEW    WORLD 

DIFFICULTIES    WITH    ALMAGRO HIS    THIRD 

EXPEDITION ADVENTURES     ON     THE     COAST 

BATTLES   IN    THE   ISLE   OF    PUNA 

1528-1531 

PIZARRO  and  his  officer,  having  crossed  the 
Isthmus,  embarked  at  Nombre  de  Dies  for 
the  old  country,  and,  after  a  good  passage,  reached 
Seville  early  in  the  summer  of  1528.  There  hap- 
pened to  be  at  that  time  in  port  a  person  well 
known  in  the  history  of  Spanish  adventure  as  the 
Bachelor  Enciso.  He  had  taken  an  active  part 
in  the  colonization  of  Tierra  Firme,  and  had  a 
pecuniary  claim  against  the  early  colonists  of 
Darien,  of  whom  Pizarro  was  one.  Immediately 
on  the  landing  of  the  latter,  he  was  seized  by 
Enciso's  orders  and  held  in  custody  for  the  debt. 
Pizarro,  who  had  fled  from  his  native  land  as  a 
forlorn  and  houseless  adventurer,  after  an  ab- 
sence of  more  than  twenty  years,  passed,  most  of 
them,  in  unprecedented  toil  and  suffering,  now 
found  himself  on  his  return  the  inmate  of  a  prison. 


4  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Such  was  the  commencement  of  those  briUiant 
fortunes  which,  as  he  had  trusted,  awaited  him 
at  home.  The  circumstance  excited  general  in- 
dignation; and  no  sooner  was  the  court  advised 
of  his  arrival  in  the  country,  and  the  great  pur- 
pose of  his  mission,  than  orders  were  sent  for  his 
release,  with  permission  to  proceed  at  once  on  his 
journey. 

Pizarro  found  the  emperor  at  Toledo,  which  he 
was  soon  to  quit,  in  order  to  embark  for  Italy. 
Spain  was  not  the  favorite  residence  of  Charles 
the  Fifth  in  the  earlier  part  of  his  reign.    He  was 
now  at  that  period  of  it  when  he  was  enjoying  the 
full  flush  of  his  triumphs  over  his  gallant  rival 
of  France,   whom  he  had   defeated  and  taken 
prisoner  at  the  great  battle  of  Pavia;    and  the 
victor  was  at  this  moment  preparing  to  pass  into 
Italy  to  receive  the  imperial  crown  from  the  hands 
of  the  Roman  PontiiF.     Elated  by  his  successes 
and  his  elevation  to  the  German  throne,  Charles 
made  little  account  of  his  hereditary  kingdom,  as 
his  ambition  found  so  splendid  a  career  thrown 
open  to  it  on  the  wide  field  of  European  politics. 
He  had  hitherto  received  too  inconsiderable  re- 
turns from  his  transatlantic  possessions  to  give 
them  the  attention  they  deserved.    But,  as  the  re- 
cent acquisition  of  Mexico  and  the  brilliant  antici- 
pations in  respect  to  the  southern  continent  were 
pressed  upon  his  notice,  he  felt  their  importance 
as  likely  to  afford  him  the  means  of  prosecuting 
his  ambitious  and  most  expensive  enterprises. 

Pizarro,  therefore,  who  had  now  come  to  satisfy 
the  royal  eyes,  by  visible  proofs,  of  the  truth  of 


1528]     piZARRO'S  RECEPTION  AT  COURT  5 

the  golden  rumors  which  from  time  to  time  had 
reached  Castile,  was  graciously  received  by  the 
emperor.  Charles  examined  the  various  objects 
which  his  officer  exhibited  to  him  with  great  atten- 
tion. He  was  particularly  interested  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  llama,  so  remarkable  as  the  only 
beast  of  burden  yet  known  on  the  new  continent; 
and  the  fine  fabrics  of  woollen  cloth  which  were 
made  from  its  shaggy  sides  gave  it  a  much  higher 
value,  in  the  eyes  of  the  sagacious  monarch,  than 
what  it  possessed  as  an  animal  for  domestic  labor. 
But  the  specimens  of  gold  and  silver  manufacture, 
and  the  wonderful  tale  which  Pizarro  had  to  tell 
of  the  abundance  of  the  precious  metals,  must 
have  satisfied  even  the  cravings  of  royal  cupidity. 
Pizarro,  far  from  being  embarrassed  by  the 
novelty  of  his  situation,  maintained  his  usual  self- 
possession,  and  showed  that  decorum  and  even 
dignity  in  his  address  which  belong  to  the  Cas- 
tilian.  He  spoke  in  a  simple  and  respectful  style, 
but  with  the  earnestness  and  natural  eloquence  of 
one  who  had  been  an  actor  in  the  scenes  he  de- 
scribed, and  who  was  conscious  that  the  impression 
he  made  on  his  audience  was  to  decide  his  future 
destiny.  All  listened  with  eagerness  to  the  ac- 
count of  his  strange  adventures  by  sea  and  land, 
his  wanderings  in  the  forests,  or  in  the  dismal  and 
pestilent  swamps  on  the  sea-coast,  without  food, 
almost  without  raiment,  with  feet  torn  and  bleed- 
ing at  every  step,  with  his  few  companions  be- 
coming still  fewer  by  disease  and  death,  and  yet 
pressing  on  with  unconquerable  spirit  to  extend 
the  empire  of  Castile  and  the  name  and  power  of 


6  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

her  sovereign;  but  when  he  painted  his  lonely 
condition  on  the  desolate  island,  abandoned  by  the 
government  at  home,  deserted  by  all  but  a  hand- 
ful of  devoted  followers,  his  royal  auditor,  though 
not  easily  moved,  was  affected  to  tears.  On  his 
departure  from  Toledo,  Charles  commended  the 
affairs  of  his  vassal  in  the  most  favorable  terms  to 
the  consideration  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies.^ 

There  was  at  this  time  another  man  at  court, 
who  had  come  there  on  a  similar  errand  from  the 
New  World,  but  whose  splendid  achievements  had 
already  won  for  him  a  name  that  threw  the  rising 
reputation  of  Pizarro  comparatively  into  the 
shade.  This  man  was  Hernando  Cortes,  the  Con- 
queror of  Mexico.  He  had  come  home  to  lay  an 
empire  at  the  feet  of  his  sovereign,  and  to  demand 
in  return  the  redress  of  his  wrongs  and  the  recom- 
pense of  his  great  services.  He  was  at  the  close 
of  his  career,  as  Pizarro  was  at  the  commencement 
of  his;  the  Conqueror  of  the  North  and  of  the 
South;  the  two  men  appointed  by  Providence  to 
overturn  the  most  potent  of  the  Indian  dynasties, 
and  to  open  the  golden  gates  by  which  the  treas- 
ures of  the  New  World  were  to  pass  into  the 
coffers  of  Spain. 

Notwithstanding  the  emperor's  recommenda- 
tion, the  business  of  Pizarro  went   forward   at 


'  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  siimaria, 
MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Pini,  MS. — ^"  Halilaba  tan  bien  en  la  materia, 
que  se  llev6  los  aplausos  y  atencion  en  Toledo  donde  el  Emperador 
estaba,  diole  audiencia  con  mucho  gusto,  tratolo  amoroso,  y  oyole 
tierno,  cspecialmente  cuando  le  hizo  relacion  de  sn  conslstencia  y  de 
los  trece  compafleros  en  la  Tsla  en  medio  de  tantos  trabajos."  Monte- 
sinos,  Annalcs,  MS.,  afio  1528. 


1529J    CAPITULATION  WITH  THE  CROWN         7 

the  tardy  pace  with  which  affairs  are  usually  con- 
ducted in  the  court  of  Castile.  He  found  his 
limited  means  gradually  sinking  under  the  ex- 
penses incurred  by  his  present  situation,  and  he 
represented  that  unless  some  measures  were  speed- 
ily taken  in  reference  to  his  suit,  however  favor- 
able they  might  be  in  the  end,  he  should  be  in  no 
condition  to  profit  by  them.  The  queen,  accord- 
ingly, who  had  charge  of  the  business,  on  her  hus- 
band's departure,  expedited  the  affair,  and  on 
the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  1529,  she  executed  the 
memorable  Capitulation  which  defined  the  powers 
and  privileges  of  Pizarro.* 

The  instrument  secured  to  that  chief  the  right 
of  discovery  and  conquest  in  the  province  of  Peru, 
or  New  Castile, — as  the  country  was  then  called, 
in  the  same  manner  as  Mexico  had  received  the 
name  of  New  Spain, — for  the  distance  of  two 
hundred  leagues  south  of  Santiago.  He  was  to 
receive  the  titles  and  rank  of  Governor  and  Cap- 
tain-General of  the  province,  together  with  those 
of  Adelantado  and  Alguacil  Mayor,  for  life ;  and 
he  was  to  have  a  salary  of  seven  hundred  and 
twenty-five  thousand  maravedis,  with  the  obliga- 
tion of  maintaining  certain  officers  and  military 
retainers,  corresponding  with  the  dignity  of  his 
station.  He  was  to  have  the  right  to  erect  certain 
fortresses,  with  the  absolute  government  of  them ; 

*  [There  seems  to  be  in  this  sentence  a  confusion  of  two  distinct 
personages.  On  leaving  Spain  in  1539,  Charles  intrusted  the  govern- 
ment to  his  wife,  the  Empress  Isabella,  who  therefore  "  had  charge 
of  the  business  "  referred  to,  and  may  have  "  expedited  the  affair." 
But  "  the  queen "  in  whose  name  the  agreement  with  Pizarro  was 
"executed"  was  the  unfortunate  Juana,  Charles's  mother. — K.] 


8         CONQUEST  OF  PERU 

to  assign  encomiendas  of  Indians,  under  the  limi- 
tation prescribed  by  law;  and,  in  fine,  to  exercise 
nearly  all  the  prerogatives  incident  to  the  au- 
thority of  a  viceroy. 

His  associate,  Almagro,  was  declared  com- 
mander of  the  fortress  of  Tumbez,  with  an 
annual  rent  of  three  hundred  thousand  marave- 
dis,  and  with  the  further  rank  and  privileges  of 
an  hidalgo.  The  reverend  Father  Luque  received 
the  reward  of  his  services  in  the  bishopric  of  Tum- 
bez, and  he  was  also  declared  Protector  of  the 
Indians  of  Peru.  He  was  to  enjoy  the  yearly 
stipend  of  a  thousand  ducats, — to  be  derived,  like 
the  other  salaries  and  gratuities  in  this  instrument, 
from  the  revenues  of  the  conquered  territory. 

Nor  were  the  subordinate  actors  in  the  expe- 
dition forgotten.  Ruiz  received  the  title  of  Grand 
Pilot  of  the  Southern  Ocean,  with  a  liberal  pro- 
vision; Candia  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
artillery;  and  the  remaining  eleven  companions 
on  the  desolate  island  were  created  hidalgos  and 
cavalleros,  and  raised  to  certain  municipal  dig- 
nities,— in  prospect.* 

*  [Mr.  Markham,  after  quoting  this  clause  of  the  instrument,  which 
contains  the  list  of  names  before  cited  as  those  of  the  men  who 
elected  to  remain  with  Pizarro  at  the  island  of  Gallo,  instead  of  re- 
turning to  Panamd  (vol.  i.  p.  280,  note  3),  observes,  "It  has  always 
been  supposed  that  these  were  the  men  who  crossed  the  line,  and 
hence  their  number  has  been  placed  at  thirteen.  But  it  is  not  asserted 
in  the  Capitulation  that  the  men  whose  names  are  given  in  it  were 
those  who  crossed  the  line,  and  it  might  be  that  Pizarro,  in  asking 
favors  for  his  most  faithful  companions,  on  the  one  hand  omitted 
one  or  more  of  those  who  crossed  the  line,  and  on  the  other  itichided 
some  who  did  not  take  part  in  that  transaction,  but  who  joined  him 
afterwards."  Proceeding  on  this  supposition,  he  rejects  tlie  accounts 
of  Cieza  de  Leon,  Gomara,  Herrera,  and  Garcilasso,  who  all  concur  in 


1529J    CAPITULATION  WITH  THE  CROWN         9 

Several  provisions  of  a  liberal  tenor  were  also 
made,  to  encourage  emigration  to  the  country. 

fixing  the  number  of  those  who  remained  at  Gallo  at  thirteen,  and 
accepts  instead  the  statement  of  Francisco  de  Xerez,  afterwards  sec- 
retary of  Pizarro,  who,  in  a  brief  mention  of  the  affair,  gives  the 
number  at  sixteen.  (Reports  on  the  Discovery  of  Peru,  p.  8,  note.) 
But  had  Mr.  Markham  been  at  the  pains  to  read  the  whole  of  the 
document  on  whose  assumed  silence  in  regard  to  the  point  in  ques- 
tion his  argument  is  chiefly  based,  he  would  probably  have  refrained 
from  contradicting  the  general  mass  of  contemporary  authorities,  as 
well  as  the  modern  writers  who  have  conformed  to  them.  The  pre- 
amble to  the  Capitulation,  reciting  the  services  and  enterprises  for 
which  Pizarro  and  his  companions  were  to  be  rewarded,  says  ex- 
pressly that  on  account  of  the  dangers  and  toils  of  the  voyage  he  was 
deserted  on  an  uninhabited  island  by  all  the  people  that  had  gone 
with  him,  except  thirteen  alone,  who  chose  to  remain  with  him. 
("  Donde  pasastes  muchos  peligros  e  trabajo,  d  causa  de  lo  cual  os 
dej6  toda  la  gente  que  con  vos  iba  en  una  isla  despoblada  con  solos 
trece  honibres  que  no  vos  quisieron  dejar.")  This  settles  the  number 
of  the  faithful  few  on  the  authority  of  Pizarro  himself,  and  accounts 
for  the  fact  that  the  subsequent  clause,  enumerating  their  names, 
mentions  only  in  a  general  way  "  the  great  service  they  had  rendered 
in  the  said  voyage  and  discovery." 

It  should  perhaps  be  mentioned  that  Sir  Arthur  Helps  makes  the 
number  fourteen,  without  citing  his  authority,  and  rejects  the  com- 
mon version  of  the  story  of  "  crossing  the  line,"  as  an  example  of 
"  the  invincible  passion  for  melodramatic  representation  which  people 
of  second-rate  imagination  delight  in, — those  especially  who  have  not 
seen  much  of  human  affairs,  and  who  do  not  know  in  how  plain  and 
unpretending  a  manner  the  greatest  things  are,  for  the  most  part, 
transacted."  (The  Spanish  Conquest  in  America,  Am.  ed.,  vol.  iii.  p. 
409.)  It  may  be  admitted  that  there  are  many  people  of  second-rate, 
or  even  third-  or  fourth-rate,  imagination,  who  have  employed  them- 
selves either  in  amplifying  or  simplifying  the  events  of  history;  but 
without  holding  anj^  official  position,  one  may  have  seen  enough  of 
"  human  affairs  "  to  believe  that  neither  the  greatest  nor  the  smallest 
things  are  always  transacted  with  the  extreme  quietude  and  gentle- 
ness that  accord  with  the  tone  of  an  idyllic  historian.  In  regard 
to  this  particular  affair,  Sir  Arthur  Helps  relies  on  what  he  calls 
the  "  simple  story "  told  by  Herrera,  according  to  whom  it  was 
Tafur  who  drew  the  line,  and  who  makes  no  mention  of  Pizarro's 
speech.  Garcilasso,  on  the  other  hand,  gives  exactly  the  same  re- 
lation as  Montesinos,  whom  Prescott  has  followed;  and  we  can  feel 
little  difficulty  in  agreeing  with  Mr.  Markham  that  "  of  these  two 
accounts  [Herrera's  and  Garcilasso's]  that  of  Garcilasso  is  far  more 
likely  to  be  true." — K.] 


10  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  new  settlers  were  to  be  exempted  from  some 
of  the  most  onerous  but  customary  taxes,  as  the 
alcabala,  or  to  be  subject  to  them  only  in  a  miti- 
gated form.  The  tax  on  the  precious  metals 
drawn  from  mines  was  to  be  reduced,  at  first,  to 
one-tenth,  instead  of  the  fifth  imposed  on  the  same 
metals  when  obtained  by  barter  or  by  rapine. 

It  was  expressly  enjoined  on  Pizarro  to  observe 
the  existing  regulations  for  the  good  government 
and  protection  of  the  natives ;  and  he  was  required 
to  carry  out  with  him  a  specified  number  of  eccle- 
siastics, with  whom  he  was  to  take  counsel  in  the 
conquest  of  the  country,  and  whose  efforts  were  to 
be  dedicated  to  the  service  and  conversion  of  the 
Indians;  while  lawyers  and  attorneys,  on  the 
other  hand,  whose  presence  was  considered  as 
boding  ill  to  the  harmony  of  the  new  settlements, 
were  strictly  prohibited  from  setting  foot  in  them. 

Pizarro,  on  his  part,  was  bound,  in  six  months 
from  the  date  of  the  instrument,  to  raise  a  force, 
well  equipped  for  the  service,  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  of  whom  one  hundred  might  be  drawn 
from  the  colonies;  and  the  government  engaged 
to  furnish  some  trifling  assistance  in  the  purchase 
of  artillery  and  military  stores.  Finally,  he  was 
to  be  prepared,  in  six  months  after  his  return  to 
Panama,  to  leave  that  port  and  embark  on  his 
expedition.^ 

'  This  remarkable  document,  formerly  in  the  archives  of  Simancas, 
and  now  transferred  to  the  Archivo  General  de  kuf  Indias  in  Seville, 
was  transcribed  for  the  rich  collection  of  the  late  Don  Martin  Fer- 
nandez de  Xavarrete,  to  whose  kindness  I  am  indebted  for  a  copy 
of  it.  It  will  be  found  printed  entire,  in  the  original,  in  Appendix 
No.  7. 


1529J    CAPITULATION  WITH  THE  CROWN       11 

Such  are  some  of  the  principal  provisions  of 
this  Capitulation,  by  which  the  Castihan  govern- 
ment, with  the  sagacious  pohcy  which  it  usually 
pursued  on  the  like  occasions,  stimulated  the  am- 
bitious hopes  of  the  adventurer  by  high-sounding 
titles  and  liberal  promises  of  reward  contingent 
on  his  success,  but  took  care  to  stake  nothing  itself 
on  the  issue  of  the  enterprise.  It  was  careful  to 
reap  the  fruits  of  his  toil,  but  not  to  pay  the  cost 
of  them. 

A  circumstance  that  could  not  fail  to  be  re- 
marked in  these  provisions  was  the  manner  in 
which  the  high  and  lucrative  posts  were  accumu- 
lated on  Pizarro,  to  the  exclusion  of  Almagro, 
who,  if  he  had  not  taken  as  conspicuous  a  part  in 
personal  toil  and  exposure,  had  at  least  divided 
with  him  the  original  burden  of  the  enterjDrise, 
and,  by  his  labors  in  another  direction,  had  con- 
tributed quite  as  essentially  to  its  success.  Al- 
magro had  willingly  conceded  the  post  of  honor 
to  his  confederate;  but  it  had  been  stipulated,  on 
Pizarro's  departure  for  Spain,  that,  while  he  so- 
licited the  office  of  Governor  and  Captain-General 
for  himself,  he  should  secure  that  of  Adelantado 
for  his  companion.  In  like  manner,  he  had  en- 
gaged to  apply  for  the  see  of  Tumbez  for  the 
vicar  of  Panama,  and  the  office  of  Alguacil  Mayor 
for  the  pilot  Ruiz.  The  bishopric  took  the  direc- 
tion that  was  concerted,  for  the  soldier  could 
scarcely  claim  the  mitre  of  the  prelate;  but  the 
other  offices,  instead  of  their  appropriate  dis- 
tribution, were  all  concentrated  in  himself.  Yet 
it   was   in   reference   to   his   application   for   his 


12  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

friends  that  Pizarro  had  promised  on  his  depart- 
ure to  deal  fairly  and  honorably  by  them  all.^ 

It  is  stated  by  the  military  chronicler,  Pedro  Pi- 
zarro, that  his  kinsman  did,  in  fact,  urge  the  suit 
strongly  in  behalf  of  Almagro,  but  that  he  was 
refused  by  the  government,  on  the  ground  that 
offices  of  such  paramount  importance  could  not 
be  committed  to  different  individuals.  The  ill 
effects  of  such  an  arrangement  had  been  long 
since  felt  in  more  than  one  of  the  Indian  colonies, 
w^here  it  had  led  to  rivalry  and  fatal  collision/ 
Pizarro,  therefore,  finding  his  remonstrances  un- 
heeded, had  no  alternative  but  to  combine  the 
offices  in  his  own  person,  or  to  see  the  expedition 
fall  to  the  ground.  This  explanation  of  the 
affair  has  not  received  the  sanction  of  other 
contemporary  historians.  The  apprehensions  ex- 
pressed by  Luque,  at  the  time  of  Pizarro's  as- 
suming the  mission,  of  some  such  result  as  actu- 
ally occurred,  founded,  doubtless,  on  a  knowledge 
of  his  associate's  character,  may  warrant  us  in  dis- 

*  "  Al  fin  se  capitul6,  que  Francisco  Pizarro  nepociase  la  Governa- 
cion  para  si:  i  para  Diego  de  Almagro,  el  Adelantamiento:  i  para 
Hernando  de  Luque,  el  Obispado:  i  para  Bartolom^  Ruiz,  el  Algua- 
cilazgo  Maior:  i  Mercedes  para  los  que  quedahan  vivos,  de  los  trece 
Compafleros,  afirmando  siempre  Francisco  Pi<^arro,  que  todo  lo 
queria  para  ellos,  i  prometiendo,  que  negociaria  lealinente,  1  sin 
ninguna  cautela."     Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  4,  lib.  cap.   1. 

*  "  Y  don  Francisco  Pizarro  pidio  con  forme  &  lo  que  llevava  capitu- 
lado  y  hordenado  con  sus  compafieros  ya  dicho,  y  en  el  consejo  se  le 
rrespondio  que  no  avia  lugar  de  dar  governacion  d  dos  compafieros, 
&  caussa  de  que  en  santa  marta  se  avia  dado  ansi  A  dos  comjiaiieros 
y  el  uno  avia  muerto  al  otro.  .  .  .  Pucs  pedido,  como  digo,  muchas 
vezes  por  don  Francisco  Pi<^arro  se  Ics  hizie.se  la  merced  d  ambos  com- 
pafieros, se  le  rrespondio  la  pidiesse  parassi  sino  que  se  daria  A  otro, 
y  visto  que  no  avia  lugar  lo  que  pedia  y  queria  pedio  se  le  hiziese  la 
merced  A  el,  y  ansi  se  le  hizo."    Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1529J    CAPITULATION  WITH  THE  CROWN       13 

trusting  the  alleged  vindication  of  his  conduct; 
and  our  distrust  will  not  be  diminished  by  famil- 
iarity with  his  subsequent  career.  Pizarro's  virtue 
was  not  of  a  kind  to  withstand  temptation, — 
though  of  a  much  weaker  sort  than  that  now 
thrown  in  his  path. 

The  fortunate  cavalier  was  also  honored  with 
the  habit  of  St.  Jago ;  ^  and  he  was  authorized  to 
make  an  important  innovation  in  his  family  es- 
cutcheon,— for  by  the  father's  side  he  might  claim 
his  armorial  bearings.  The  black  eagle  and  the 
two  pillars  emblazoned  on  the  royal  arms  were 
incorporated  with  those  of  the  Pizarros;  and  an 
Indian  city,  with  a  vessel  in  the  distance  on  the 
waters,  and  the  llama  of  Peru,  revealed  the  theatre 
and  the  character  of  his  exploits ;  while  the  legend 
announced  that  "  under  the  auspices  of  Charles, 
and  by  the  industry,  the  genius,  and  the  resources 
of  Pizarro,  the  country  had  been  discovered  and 
reduced  to  tranquillity," — thus  modestly  inti- 
mating both  the  past  and  prospective  services  of 
the  Conqueror.*^ 

These  arrangements  having  been  thus  com- 
pleted to  Pizarro's  satisfaction,  he  left  Toledo 
for  Truxillo,  his  native  place,  in  Estremadura, 
where  he  thought  he  should  be  most  likely  to  meet 
with  adherents  for  his  new  enterprise,  and  where 
it  doubtless  gratified  his  vanity  to  display  himself 

'  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  183. — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  1. — Caro  de  Torres,  Historia 
de  las  Ordenes  militares   (ed.  Madrid,  1629),  p.  113. 

' "  Caroli  Caesaris  auspicio,  et  labore,  ingenio,  ac  impensa  Diicis 
Pi9arro  inventa,  et  pacata."  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  4,  lib.  6, 
cap.   5. 


14  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

in  the  palmy,  or  at  least  promising,  state  of  his 
present  circumstances.  If  vanity  be  ever  pardon- 
able, it  is  certainly  in  a  man  who,  born  in  an  ob- 
scure station  in  life,  without  family,  interest,  or 
friends  to  back  him,  has  carved  out  his  own  for- 
tunes in  the  world,  and,  by  his  own  resources,  tri- 
umphed over  all  the  obstacles  which  nature  and 
accident  had  thrown  in  his  way.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  Pizarro  as  he  now  revisited  the  place 
of  his  nativity,  where  he  had  hitherto  been  known 
only  as  a  poor  outcast,  without  a  home  to  shelter, 
a  father  to  own  him,  or  a  friend  to  lean  upon.  But 
he  now  found  both  friends  and  followers,  and 
some  who  were  eager  to  claim  kindred  with  him 
and  take  part  in  his  future  fortunes.  Among 
these  were  four  brothers.  Three  of  them,  like 
himself,  were  illegitimate, — one  of  whom,  named 
Francisco  Martin  de  Alcantara,  was  related  to 
him  by  the  mother's  side,  the  other  two,  named 
Gonzalo  and  Juan  Pizarro,  were  descended  from 
the  father.  "  They  were  all  poor,  and  proud  as 
they  were  poor,"  says  Oviedo,  who  had  seen  them; 
"  and  their  eagerness  for  gain  was  in  proportion 
to  their  poverty."  ^ 

The  remaining  and  eldest  brother,  named  Her- 
nando, was  a  legitimate  son, — "  legitimate,"  con- 
tinues the  same  caustic  authority,  "  by  his  pride, 
as  well  as  by  his  birth."  His  features  were  plain, 
even  disagreeably  so;  but  his  figure  was  good. 
He  was  large  of  stature,  and,  like  his  brother 

^  "  Trujo  tres  o  cuatro  hermanos  snyos  tan  soberbios  ootno  pobres, 
€  tan  sin  hacienda  como  deseosos  de  alcanzarla."  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  1. 


1539J  PIZARRO'S    BROTHERS  15 

Francis,  had  on  the  whole  an  imposing  presence.^ 
In  his  character  he  combined  some  of  the  worst 
defects  incident  to  the  Castihan.  He  was  jealous 
in  the  extreme;  impatient,  not  merely  of  affront, 
but  of  the  least  slight,  and  implacable  in  his  re- 
sentment. He  was  decisive  in  his  measures,  and 
unscrupulous  in  their  execution.  No  touch  of  pity 
had  power  to  arrest  his  arm.  His  arrogance  was 
such  that  he  was  constantly  wounding  the  self-love 
of  those  with  whom  he  acted ;  thus  begetting  an  ill 
will  which  unnecessarily  multiplied  obstacles  in 
his  path.  In  this  he  differed  from  his  brother 
Francis,  whose  plausible  manners  smoothed  away 
difficulties  and  conciliated  confidence  and  co-oper- 
ation in  his  enterprises.  Unfortunately,  the  evil 
counsels  of  Hernando  exercised  an  influence  over 
his  brother  which  more  than  compensated  the  ad- 
vantages derived  from  his  singular  capacity  for 
business. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  interest  which  Pi- 
zarro's  adventures  excited  in  this  country,  that 
chief  did  not  find  it  easy  to  comply  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Capitulation  in  respect  to  the 
amount  of  his  levies.  Those  who  were  most 
astonished  by  his  narrative  were  not  always 
most  inclined  to  take  part  in  his  fortunes.  They 
shrank  from  the  unparalleled  hardships  w^hich  lay 

*  Oviedo's  portrait  of  him  is  by  no  means  flattering.  He  writes  like 
one  too  familiar  with  the  original.  "  K  de  todos  ellos  el  Hernando 
Pizarro  solo  era  legitimo,  6  mas  legitimado  en  la  soberbia,  hombre  de 
alta  estatura  6  gnieso,  la  lengua  e  labios  gordos,  e  la  punta  de  la  nariz 
con  sobrada  carne  e  encendida,  y  este  fue  el  desavenidor  y  estorbador 
del  sosiego  de  todos  y  en  especial  de  los  dos  viejos  companeros  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  e  Diego  de  Almagro."  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi 
supra. 


16  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

in  the  path  of  the  adventurer  in  that  direction;  and 
they  listened  with  visible  distrust  to  the  gorgeous 
pictures  of  the  golden  temples  and  gardens  of 
Tumbez,  which  they  looked  upon  as  indebted  in 
some  degree,  at  least,  to  the  coloring  of  his  fancy, 
with  the  obvious  purpose  of  attracting  followers 
to  his  banners.  It  is  even  said  that  Pizarro  would 
have  found  it  difficult  to  raise  the  necessary  funds, 
but  for  the  seasonable  aid  of  Cortes,  a  native  of 
Estremadura  Hke  himself,  his  companion  in  arms 
in  early  days,  and,  according  to  report,  his  kins- 
man.^ No  one  was  in  a  better  condition  to  hold 
out  a  helping  hand  to  a  brother  adventurer,  and 
probably  no  one  felt  greater  sympathy  in  Pizarro's 
fortunes,  or  greater  confidence  in  his  eventual 
success,  than  the  man  who  had  so  lately  trod  the 
same  career  with  renown. 

The  six  months  allowed  by  the  Capitulation  had 
elapsed,  and  Pizarro  had  assembled  somewhat  less 
than  his  stipulated  complement  of  men,  with  which 
he  was  preparing  to  embark  in  a  little  squadron 
of  three  vessels  at  Seville;  but  before  they  were 
wholly  ready  he  received  intelligence  that  the  offi- 
cers of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  proposed  to  in- 
quire into  the  condition  of  the  vessels  and  ascertain 
how  far  the  requisitions  had  been  complied  with. 

Without  loss  of  time,  therefore,  Pizarro,  afraid, 
if  the  facts  were  known,  that  his  enterprise  might 
be  nipped  in  the  bud,  slipped  his  cables,  and,  cross- 
ing the  bar  of  San  Lucar,  in  January,  1530,  stood 
for  the  isle  of  Gomera, — one  of  the  Canaries, — 

•Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Varones  ilustres,  p.  143. 


1530]       RETURNS  TO  THE  NEW  WORLD  17 

where  he  ordered  his  brother  Hernando,  who  had 
charge  of  the  remaining  vessels,  to  meet  him. 

Scarcely  had  he  gone,  before  the  officers  arrived 
to  institute  the  search.  But  when  they  objected 
the  deficiency  of  men  they  were  easily — perhaps 
willingly — deceived  by  the  pretext  that  the  re- 
mainder had  gone  forward  in  the  vessel  with  Pi- 
zarro.  At  all  events,  no  further  obstacles  were 
thrown  in  Hernando's  way,  and  he  was  permitted, 
with  the  rest  of  the  squadron,  to  join  his  brother, 
according  to  agreement,  at  Gomera. 

After  a  prosperous  voyage,  the  adventurers 
reached  the  northern  coast  of  the  great  southern 
continent,  and  anchored  off  the  port  of  Santa 
Marta.  Here  they  received  such  discouraging 
reports  of  the  countries  to  which  they  were  bound, 
of  forests  teeming  with  insects  and  venomous  ser- 
pents, of  huge  alligators  that  swarmed  on  the 
banks  of  the  streams,  and  of  hardships  and  perils 
such  as  their  own  fears  had  never  painted,  that 
several  of  Pizarro's  men  deserted,  and  their  leader, 
thinking  it  no  longer  safe  to  abide  in  such  treach- 
erous quarters,  set  sail  at  once  for  Nombre  de 
Dios. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  there,  he  was  met  by  his 
two  associates,  Luque  and  Almagro,  who  had 
crossed  the  mountains  for  the  purpose  of  hearing 
from  his  own  lips  the  precise  import  of  the  Ca- 
pitulation with  the  crown.  Great,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  was  Almagro's  discontent  at  learn- 
ing the  result  of  what  he  regarded  as  the  per- 
fidious machinations  of  his  associate.  "  Is  it  thus," 
he  exclaimed,  "  that  you  have  dealt  with  the  friend 

Vol,  II.— 2 


18  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

who  shared  equally  with  you  in  the  trials,  the 
dangers,  and  the  cost  of  the  enterprise,  and  this, 
notwithstanding  your  solemn  engagements  on 
your  departure  to  provide  for  his  interests  as 
faithfully  as  your  own?  How  could  you  allow 
me  to  be  thus  dishonored  in  the  eyes  of  the  world 
by  so  paltry  a  compensation,  which  seems  to  esti- 
mate my  services  as  nothing  in  comparison  with 
your  own?  "  ^^ 

Pizarro,  in  reply,  assured  his  companion  that 
he  had  faithfully  urged  his  suit,  but  that  the  gov- 
ernment refused  to  confide  powers  which  in- 
trenched so  closely  on  one  another  to  different 
hands.  He  had  no  alternative  but  to  accept  all 
himself  or  to  decline  all;  and  he  endeavored  to 
mitigate  Almagro's  displeasure  by  representing 
that  the  country  was  large  enough  for  the  ambi- 
tion of  both,  and  that  the  powers  conferred  on 
himself  were,  in  fact,  conferred  on  Almagro,  since 
all  that  he  had  would  ever  be  at  his  friend's  dis- 
posal, as  if  it  were  his  own.  But  these  honeyed 
words  did  not  satisfy  the  injured  party;  and  the 
two  captains  soon  after  returned  to  Panama  with 
feelings  of  estrangement,  if  not  hostility,  towards 
one  another,  which  did  not  augur  well  for  their 
enterprise. 

Still,  Almagro  was  of  a  generous  temper,  and 
might  have  been  appeased  by  the  politic  conces- 
sions of  his  rival,  but  for  the  interference  of 
Hernando  Pizarro,  who,  from  the  first  hour  of 
their  meeting,  showed  little  respect  for  the  vet- 

'"  Hcrrera,  Hist,  peneral,  dec.  4,  lib.  7,  cap.  9. — Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1530]       DIFFICULTIES    WITH    ALMAGRO  19 

eran,  which,  indeed,  the  diminutive  person  of  the 
latter  was  not  calculated  to  inspire,  and  who  now 
regarded  him  with  particular  aversion  as  an  im- 
pediment to  the  career  of  his  brother. 

Almagro's  friends — and  his  frank  and  hberal 
manners  had  secured  him  many — were  no  less  dis- 
gusted than  himself  with  the  overbearing  conduct 
of  this  new  ally.  They  loudly  complained  that  it 
was  quite  enough  to  suffer  from  the  perfidy  of 
Pizarro,  without  being  exposed  to  the  insults  of 
his  family,  who  had  now  come  over  with  him  to 
fatten  on  the  spoils  of  conquest  which  belonged  to 
their  leader.  The  rupture  soon  proceeded  to  such 
a  length  that  Almagro  avowed  his  intention  to 
prosecute  the  expedition  without  further  co-opera- 
tion with  his  partner,  and  actually  entered  into 
negotiations  for  the  purchase  of  vessels  for  that 
object.  But  Luque,  and  the  Licentiate  Espinosa, 
who  had  fortunately  come  over  at  that  time  from 
St.  Domingo,  now^  interposed  to  repair  a  breach 
which  must  end  in  the  ruin  of  the  enterprise  and 
the  probable  destruction  of  those  most  interested 
in  its  success.  By  their  mediation,  a  show  of  recon- 
ciliation was  at  length  effected  between  the  parties, 
on  Pizarro's  assurance  that  he  would  relinquish  the 
dignity  of  Adelantado  in  favor  of  his  rival,  and 
petition  the  emperor  to  confirm  him  in  the  posses- 
sion of  it, — an  assurance,  it  may  be  remarked,  not 
easy  to  reconcile  with  his  former  assertion  in  re- 
spect to  the  avowed  policy  of  the  crow^n  in  bestow- 
ing this  office.  He  was,  moreover,  to  apply  for  a 
distinct  government  for  his  associate,  so  soon  as 
he  had  become  master  of  the  country  assigned  to 


20  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

himself,  and  was  to  solicit  no  office  for  either  of 
his  own  brothers  until  Almagro  had  been  first  pro- 
vided for.  Lastly,  the  former  contract  in  regard 
to  the  division  of  the  spoil  into  three  equal  shares 
between  the  three  original  associates  was  con- 
firmed in  the  most  explicit  manner.  The  recon- 
ciliation thus  effected  among  the  parties  answered 
the  temporary  purpose  of  enabling  them  to  go 
forward  in  concert  in  the  expedition.  But  it  was 
only  a  thin  scar  that  had  healed  over  the  wound, 
which,  deep  and  rankling  within,  waited  only  fresh 
cause  of  irritation  to  break  out  with  a  virulence 
more  fatal  than  ever." 

No  time  was  now  lost  in  preparing  for  the 
voyage.  It  found  little  encouragement,  however, 
among  the  colonists  of  Panama,  who  were  too 
familiar  with  the  sufferings  on  the  former  ex- 
peditions to  care  to  undertake  another,  even  with 
the  rich  bribe  that  was  held  out  to  allure  them. 
A  few  of  the  old  company  were  content  to  follow 
out  the  adventure  to  its  close ;  and  some  additional 
stragglers  were  collected  from  the  province  of 
Nicaragua, — a  shoot,  it  may  be  remarked,  from 
the  colony  of  Panama.  But  Pizarro  made  slender 
additions  to  the  force  brought  over  with  him  from 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  suma- 
ria,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annale.s,  MS.,  ano  1529. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  3. — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  1. — There  seems  to  have  been 
little  good  will,  at  bottom,  between  any  of  the  confederates;  for 
Father  I>uque  wrote  to  Oviedo  that  lioth  of  his  partners  had  repaid 
his  services  with  ingratitude:  "  Padre  Luque,  compaflero  de  estos 
Capitanes,  con  cuya  hacienda  hicieron  ellos  sus  hechos,  puesto  que 
el  uno  ^  el  otro  se  lo  pagaron  con  ingratitud  segun  d  mi  me  lo  escribid 
el  mismo  electo  de  su  mano."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


1530]  HIS    THIRD    EXPEDITION  21 

Spain,  though  this  body  was  in  better  condition, 
and,  in  respect  to  arms,  ammunition,  and  equip- 
ment generally,  was  on  a  much  better  footing, 
than  his  former  levies.  The  whole  number  did 
not  exceed  one  hundred  and  eighty  men,  with 
twenty-seven  horses  for  the  cavalry.  He  had  pro- 
vided himself  with  three  vessels,  two  of  them  of 
a  good  size,  to  take  the  place  of  those  which  he 
had  been  compelled  to  leave  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  Isthmus  at  Nombre  de  Dios ;  an  armament 
small  for  the  conquest  of  an  empire,  and  far  short 
of  that  prescribed  by  the  Capitulation  with  the 
crown.  With  this  the  intrepid  chief  proposed  to 
commence  operations,  trusting  to  his  own  suc- 
cesses, and  the  exertions  of  Almagro,  who  was  to 
remain  behind  for  the  present,  to  muster  rein- 
forcements.^^ 

On  St.  John  the  Evangelist's  day,  the  banners 
of  the  company  and  the  royal  standard  were  con- 
secrated in  the  cathedral  church  of  Panama;  a 
sermon  was  preached  before  the  little  army  by 
Fray  Juan  de  Vargas,  one  of  the  Dominicans 
selected  by  the  government  for  the  Peruvian  mis- 
sion ;  and  mass  was  performed,  and  the  sacrament 
administered  to  every  soldier  previous  to  his  en- 
gaging in  the  crusade  against  the  infidel. ^^    Hav- 

"  The  numerical  estimates  differ,  as  usual.  I  conform  to  the  state- 
ment of  Pizarro's  secretary,  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn. 
iii.  p.   182. 

"  "  El  qual  haviendo  hecho  bendecir  en  la  Iglesia  mayor  las  ban- 
derols i  estandarte  real  dia  de  San  Juan  Evangelista  de  dicho  afio  de 
1530,  i  que  todos  los  soldados  confesasen  i  comulgasen  en  el  convento 
de  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la  Merced,  dia  de  los  Inocentes  en  la  misa  can- 
tada  que  se  celebro  con  toda  solemnidad  i  sermon  que  predic6  el  P. 
Presenf^o  Fr.  Juan  de  Vargas,  uno  de  los  5  religiosos  que  en  cumpli- 


22  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

ing  thus  solemnly  invoked  the  blessing  of  Heaven 
on  the  enterprise,  Pizarro  and  his  followers  went 
on  board  their  vessels,  which  rode  at  anchor  in  the 
Bay  of  Panama,  and  early  in  January,  1531, 
sallied  forth  on  his  third  and  last  expedition  for 
the  conquest  of  Peru. 

It  was  his  intention  to  steer  direct  for  Tumbez, 
which  held  out  so  magnificent  a  show  of  treasure 
on  his  former  voyage.  But  head-winds  and  cur- 
rents, as  usual,  baffled  his  purpose,  and  after  a  run 
of  thirteen  days,  much  shorter  than  the  period 
formerly  required  for  the  same  distance,  his  little 
squadron  came  to  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Mat- 
thew, about  one  degree  north;  and  Pizarro,  after 
consulting  with  his  officers,  resolved  to  disembark 
his  forces  and  advance  along  the  coast,  while  the 
vessels  held  their  course  at  a  convenient  distance 
from  the  shore. 

The  march  of  the  troops  was  severe  and  pain- 
ful in  the  extreme;  for  the  road  was  constantly 
intersected  by  streams,  which,  swollen  by  the 
winter  rains,  widened  at  their  mouths  into  spa- 
cious estuaries.  Pizarro,  who  had  some  previous 
knowledge  of  the  country,  acted  as  guide  as  well 
as  commander  of  the  expedition.  He  was  ever 
ready  to  give  aid  where  it  was  needed,  encour- 
aging his  followers  to  ford  or  swim  the  torrents 
as  they  best  could,  and  cheering  the  desponding 
by  his  own  buoyant  and  courageous  spirit. 

At  length  they  reached  a  thick-settled  hamlet, 
or  rather  town,  in  the  province  of  Coaque.    The 

miento  de  la  obediencia  do  sns  prelados  i  ordcn  del  Kmperador  pasa- 
ban  i  la  conquista."     Naharro,  Ilclarion  stirnaria,  MS. 


1531 J        ADVENTURES    ON    THE    COAST  23 

Spaniards  rushed  on  the  place,  and  the  inhabitants, 
without  offering  resistance,  fled  in  terror  to  the 
neighboring  forests,  leaving  their  effects  —  of 
much  greater  value  than  had  been  anticipated — 
in  the  hands  of  the  invaders.  "  We  fell  on  them, 
sword  in  hand,"  says  one  of  the  Conquerors,  with 
some  naivete;  "  for  if  we  had  advised  the  Indians 
of  our  approach  we  should  never  have  found  there 
such  store  of  gold  and  precious  stones."  ^^  The 
natives,  however,  according  to  another  authority, 
stayed  voluntarily ;  "  for,  as  they  had  done  no 
harm  to  the  white  men,  they  flattered  themselves 
none  would  be  offered  to  them,  but  that  there 
would  be  only  an  interchange  of  good  offices  with 
the  strangers,"  ^^ — an  expectation  founded,  it  may 
be,  on  the  good  character  which  the  Spaniards  had 
established  for  themselves  on  their  preceding  visit, 
but  one  in  which  the  simple  people  now  found 
themselves  most  unpleasantly  deceived. 

Rushing  into  the  deserted  dwellings,  the  in- 
vaders found  there,  besides  stuffs  of  various  kinds, 
and  food  most  w^elcome  in  their  famished  condi- 
tion, a  large  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  wrought 
into  clumsy  ornaments,  together  with  many  pre- 
cious stones;  for  this  was  the  region  of  the  esme- 
raldas,  or  emeralds,  where  that  valuable  gem  was 
most  abundant.  One  of  these  jew^els,  that  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Pizarro  in  this  neighborhood,  was  as 
large  as  a  pigeon's  egg.    Unluckily,  his  rude  fol- 

" "  Plies  llegados  a  este  pueblo  de  Coaque  dieron  de  supito  sin 
savello  la  {rente  del  porque  si  estuvieran  avisados.  No  se  tomara  la 
cantidad  de  oro  y  esmeraldas  que  en  el  se  tomaron."  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descul).  y  Conq.,  MS. 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  4,  lib.  7,  cap.  9. 


24  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

lowers  did  not  know  the  value  of  their  prize;  and 
they  broke  many  of  them  in  pieces  by  pounding 
them  with  hammers/^  They  were  led  to  this  ex- 
traordinary proceeding,  it  is  said,  by  one  of  the 
Dominican  missionaries.  Fray  Reginaldo  de  Pe- 
draza,  who  assured  them  that  this  was  the  way  to 
prove  the  true  emerald,  which  could  not  be  broken. 
It  was  observed  that  the  good  father  did  not  sub- 
ject his  own  jewels  to  this  wise  experiment;  but, 
as  the  stones,  in  consequence  of  it,  fell  in  value, 
being  regarded  merely  as  colored  glass,  he  carried 
back  a  considerable  store  of  them  to  Panama.^" 

The  gold  and  silver  ornaments  rifled  from  the 
dwellings  were  brought  together  and  deposited  in 
a  common  heap;  when  a  fifth  was  deducted  for 
the  crown,  and  Pizarro  distributed  the  remainder 
in  due  proportions  among  the  officers  and  privates 
of  his  company.  This  was  the  usage  invariably 
observed  on  the  like  occasions  throughout  the  Con- 
quest. The  invaders  had  embarked  in  a  common 
adventure.  Their  interest  was  common,  and  to 
have  allowed  every  one  to  plunder  on  his  own  ac- 
count would  only  have  led  to  insubordination  and 
perpetual  broils.  All  were  required,  therefore,  on 
pain  of  death,  to  contribute  whatever  they  ob- 

"  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
1,  cap.  4. — "  A  lo  que  se  ha  entetulido  en  las  esmeraldas  ovo  pran 
hierro  y  torpedad  en  algunas  Personas  por  no  oonoscellas.  Aunque 
quieren  decir  que  algunos  que  las  conoscieron  las  guardaron.  Pero 
ffinalmente  muchos  vbieron  esmeraldas  de  mucho  valor;  vnos  las  pro- 
vavan  en  yunques,  dandolas  con  martillos,  diziendo  que  si  hera  esme- 
ralda  no  se  quebraria;  otros  las  despreciaban,  diziendo  que  era 
vidrio."     Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  4,  lib.   7,  cap.  9. 


1*31J        ADVENTURES    ON    THE    COAST  25 

tained,  whether  by  bargain  or  by  rapine,  to  the 
general  stock;  and  all  were  too  much  interested 
in  the  execution  of  the  penalty  to  allow  the  un- 
happy culprit  who  violated  the  law  any  chance  of 
escape.^** 

Pizarro,  with  his  usual  policy,  sent  back  to  Pan- 
ama a  large  quantity  of  the  gold,  no  less  than 
twenty  thousand  castellanos  in  value,  in  the  belief 
that  the  sight  of  so  much  treasure,  thus  speedily 
acquired,  would  settle  the  doubts  of  the  wavering 
and  decide  them  on  joining  his  banner/®  He 
judged  right.  As  one  of  the  Conquerors  piously 
expresses  it,  "  It  pleased  the  Lord  that  we  should 
fall  in  with  the  town  of  Coaque,  that  the  riches 
of  the  land  might  find  credit  with  the  people,  and 
that  they  should  flock  to  it."  ^^ 

Pizarro,  having  refreshed  his  men,  continued  his 
march  along  the  coast,  but  no  longer  accompanied 

""Los  Espanoles  las  rrecoxeron  y  juntaron  el  pro  y  la  plata, 
porque  asi  estava  mandado  y  hordenado  sopena  de  la  vida  el  que  otra 
cossa  hiziese,  porque  todos  lo  avian  de  traer  d  monton  para  que  de 
alii  el  governador  lo  rrepartiese,  dando  d  cada  uno  confforme  a  su 
persona  y  meritos  de  servicios;  y  esta  horden  se  guardo  en  toda  esta 
ticrra  en  la  conquista  della,  y  al  que  se  le  hallara  oro  6  plata  escon- 
«Jido  muriera  per  ello,  y  deste  medio  nadie  oso  escondello."  Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

'•  The  booty  was  great  indeed,  if,  as  Pedro  Pizarro,  one  of  the 
Conquerors  present,  says,  it  amounted  in  value  to  200,000  gold  cas- 
tellanos: "  Aqui  se  hallo  mucha  chaquira  de  oro  y  de  plata,  muchas 
coronas  hechas  de  oro  A  manera  de  imperiales,  y  otras  muchas  piezas 
en  que  se  avaleo  montar  mas  de  dozientos  mill  castellanos." 
(Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)  Naharro,  Montesinos,  and  Herrera  con- 
tent themselves  with  stating  that  he  sent  back  20,000  castellanos  in 
the  vessels  to  Panamd. 

"  "  Fueron  a  dar  en  vn  pueblo  que  se  dezia  Coaque  que  fue  nue- 
stro  Sefior  servido  tapasen  con  el,  porque  con  lo  que  en  el  se  hallo  se 
acredito  la  tierra  y  vino  gente  a  ella."  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 


26  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

by  the  vessels,  which  had  returned  for  recruits  to 
Panama.  The  road,  as  he  advanced,  was  check- 
ered with  strips  of  sandy  waste,  which,  drifted 
about  by  the  winds,  bUnded  the  soldiers,  and 
afforded  only  treacherous  footing  for  man  and 
beast.  The  glare  was  intense;  and  the  rays  of 
a  vertical  sun  beat  fiercely  on  the  iron  mail  and 
the  thick  quilted  doublets  of  cotton,  till  the  faint- 
ing troops  were  almost  suffocated  with  the  heat. 
To  add  to  their  distresses,  a  strange  epidemic 
broke  out  in  the  little  army.  It  took  the  form 
of  ulcers,  or  rather  hideous  warts  of  great  size, 
which  covered  the  body,  and  when  lanced,  as  was 
the  case  with  some,  discharged  such  a  quantity  of 
blood  as  proved  fatal  to  the  sufferer.*  Several  died 
of  this  frightful  disorder,  which  was  so  sudden  in 
its  attack,  and  attended  with  such  prostration  of 
strength,  that  those  who  lay  down  well  at  night 
were  unable  to  lift  their  hands  to  their  heads  in 
the  morning.^^  The  epidemic,  which  made  its  first 
appearance  during  this  invasion,  and  which  did 
not  long  survive  it,  spread  over  the  country, 
sparing  neither  native  nor  white  man."^     It  was 

*^  Naharro,    Relacion    sumaria,    MS. — Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y 
Conq.,  MS. — Montesinos,   Annales,  MS.,  ano  1530. 
'^  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  15. 

*  [This  disease  is  still  active  in  Peru,  affecting  especially  those 
who  dwell  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Verrugas  viaduct  upon  the 
line  of  the  Oroya  railway.  The  streamlet  which  bears  the  name  of 
"  Agua  de  Verrugas"  flows  into  the  Rimac  River  about  fifty  miles 
above  the  city  of  Lima.  The  writer  saw  many  cases  of  the  disease 
in  1873  when  the  Oroya  railway  was  in  process  of  construction.  It 
was  called  "Verrugas"  (warts)  and  was  supposed  to  be  caused 
by  the  water  of  that  particular  region,  as  cases  were  very  rarely 
found  elsewhere.  At  that  time  physicians  were  unable  to  discover 
any  cure  for  it. — M.] 


1531 J        ADVENTURES    ON    THE    COAST  27 

one  of  those  plagues  from  the  vial  of  wrath,  which 
the  destroying  angel,  who  follows  in  the  path  of 
the  conqueror,  pours  out  on  the  devoted  nations. 

The  Spaniards  rarely  experienced  on  their 
march  either  resistance  or  annoyance  from  the 
inhabitants,  who,  instructed  by  the  example  of 
Coaque,  fled  with  their  effects  into  the  woods  and 
neighboring  mountains.  No  one  came  out  to 
welcome  the  strangers  and  offer  the  rites  of  hos- 
pitality, as  on  their  last  visit  to  the  land.  For  the 
white  men  were  no  longer  regarded  as  good  beings 
that  had  come  from  heaven,  but  as  ruthless  de- 
stroyers, who,  invulnerable  to  the  assaults  of  the 
Indians,  were  borne  along  on  the  backs  of  fierce 
animals,  swifter  than  the  wind,  with  weapons  in 
their  hands  that  scattered  fire  and  desolation  as 
they  went.  Such  were  the  stories  now  circulated 
of  the  invaders,  which,  preceding  them  everyw^here 
on  their  march,  closed  the  hearts,  if  not  the  doors, 
of  the  natives  against  them.  Exhausted  by  the 
fatigue  of  travel  and  by  disease,  and  grievously 
disappointed  at  the  poverty  of  the  land,  which 
now  offered  no  compensation  for  their  toils,  the 
soldiers  of  Pizarro  cursed  the  hour  in  which  they 
had  enlisted  under  his  standard,  and  the  men  of 
Nicaragua  in  particular,  says  the  old  chronicler, 
calling  to  mind  their  pleasant  quarters  in  their 
luxurious  land,  sighed  only  to  return  to  their 
Mahometan  paradise.^'' 

^  "  Aunque  ellos  no  ninguno  por  aver  veiiido,  porqiie  conio  avian 
dexado  el  paraiso  de  mahonia  que  hera  Nicaragua  y  hallaron  la  isla 
alzada  y  falta  de  comidas  y  la  mayor  parte  de  la  geiitc  enflferma  y 
no  oro  ni  plata  como  atras  avian  liallado,  algunos  y  todos  se  holgaran 


28  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

At  this  juncture  the  army  was  gladdened  by  the 
sight  of  a  vessel  from  Panama,  which  brought 
some  suppHes,  together  with  the  royal  treasurer, 
the  veedor  or  inspector,  the  comptroller,  and  other 
high  officers  appointed  by  the  crown  to  attend  the 
expedition.  They  had  been  left  in  Spain  by  Pi- 
zarro,  in  consequence  of  his  abrupt  departure  from 
the  country;  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  on 
learning  the  circumstance,  had  sent  instructions  to 
Panama  to  prevent  the  sailing  of  his  squadron 
from  that  port.  But  the  Spanish  government, 
with  more  wisdom,  countermanded  the  order,  only 
requiring  the  functionaries  to  quicken  their  own 
departure  and  take  their  place  without  loss  of  time 
in  the  expedition. 

The  Spaniards  in  their  march  along  the  coast 
had  now  advanced  as  far  as  Puerto  Vie  jo.  Here 
they  were  soon  after  joined  by  another  small  re- 
inforcement of  about  thirty  men,  under  an  officer 
named  Benalcazar,  who  subsequently  rose  to  high 
distinction  in  this  service.  Many  of  the  followers 
of  Pizarro  would  now  have  halted  at  this  spot  and 
established  a  colony  there.  But  that  chief  thought 
more  of  conquering  than  of  colonizing,  at  least  for 
the  present;  and  he  proposed,  as  his  first  step,  to 
get  possession  of  Tumbez,  which  he  regarded  as 
the  gate  of  the  Peruvian  empire.  Continuing  his 
march,  therefore,  to  the  shores  of  what  is  now 
called  the  Gulf  of  Guayaquil,  he  arrived  off  the 
little  island  of  Puna,  lying  at  no  great  distance 
from   the    Bay    of    Tumbez.      This    island,    lie 

de  volver  de  adonde  avian  venido."    Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq., 
MS. 


1531]        ADVENTURES    ON    THE    COAST  29 

thought,  would  afford  him  a  convenient  place  to 
encamp  until  he  was  prepared  to  make  his  descent 
on  the  Indian  city. 

The  dispositions  of  the  islanders  seemed  to 
favor  his  purpose.  He  had  not  been  long  in  their 
neighborhood  before  a  deputation  of  the  natives, 
with  their  cacique  at  their  head,  crossed  over  in 
their  balsas  to  the  main  land  to  welcome  the  Span- 
iards to  their  residence.  But  the  Indian  inter- 
preters of  Tumbez,  who  had  returned  with  Pizarro 
from  Spain,  and  continued  with  the  camp,  put 
their  master  on  his  guard  against  the  meditated 
treachery  of  the  islanders,  whom  they  accused  of 
designing  to  destroy  the  Spaniards  by  cutting  the 
ropes  that  held  together  the  floats  and  leaving 
those  upon  them  to  perish  in  the  waters.  Yet  the 
cacique,  when  charged  by  Pizarro  with  this  per- 
fidious scheme,  denied  it  with  such  an  air  of  con- 
scious innocence  that  the  Spanish  commander 
trusted  himself  and  his  followers,  without  further 
hesitation,  to  his  conveyance,  and  was  transported 
in  safety  to  the  shores  of  Puna. 

Here  he  was  received  in  a  hospitable  manner, 
and  his  troops  were  provided  with  comfortable 
quarters.  Well  satisfied  with  his  present  position, 
Pizarro  resolved  to  occupy  it  until  the  violence  of 
the  rainy  season  was  past,  when  the  arrival  of  the 
reinforcements  he  expected  would  put  him  in 
better  condition  for  marching  into  the  country 
of  the  Inca. 

The  island,  which  lies  in  the  mouth  of  the  river 
of  Guayaquil,  and  is  about  eight  leagues  in  length 
by  four  in  breadth  at  the  widest  part,  was  at  that 


30  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

time  partially  covered  with  a  noble  growth  of 
timber.  But  a  large  portion  of  it  was  subjected 
to  cultivation,  and  bloomed  with  plantations  of 
cacao,  of  the  sweet  potato,  and  the  different  prod- 
ucts of  a  tropical  clime,  evincing  agricultural 
knowledge  as  well  as  industry  in  the  population. 
They  were  a  warlike  race,  but  had  received  from 
their  Peruvian  foes  the  appellation  of  *'  perfidi- 
ous." It  was  the  brand  fastened  by  the  Roman 
historians  on  their  Carthaginian  enemies, — with 
perhaps  no  better  reason.  The  bold  and  indepen- 
dent islanders  opposed  a  stubborn  resistance  to  the 
arms  of  the  Incas;  and,  though  they  had  finally 
yielded,  they  had  been  ever  since  at  feud,  and 
often  in  deadly  hostility,  with  their  neighbors  of 
Tumbez. 

The  latter  had  no  sooner  heard  of  Pizarro's  ar- 
rival on  the  island  than,  trusting  probably  to  their 
former  friendly  relations  with  him,  they  came  over 
in  some  number  to  the  Spanish  quarters.  The 
presence  of  their  detested  rivals  was  by  no  means 
grateful  to  the  jealous  inhabitants  of  Puna,  and 
the  prolonged  residence  of  the  white  men  on  their 
island  could  not  be  otherwise  than  burdensome. 
In  their  outward  demeanor  they  still  maintained 
the  same  show  of  amity ;  but  Pizarro's  interpreters 
again  put  him  on  his  guard  against  the  proverbial 
perfidy  of  their  hosts.  With  his  suspicions  thus 
roused,  the  Spanish  commander  was  informed 
that  a  number  of  the  chiefs  had  met  together  to 
deliberate  on  a  plan  of  insurrection.  Not  caring 
to  wait  for  the  springing  of  the  mine,  he  sur- 
rounded the  place  of  meeting  with  his  soldiers  and 


1531 J        ADVENTURES    ON    THE    COAST  31 

made  prisoners  of  the  suspected  chieftains.  Ac- 
cording- to  one  authority,  they  confessed  their 
guilt.^^  This  is  by  no  means  certain.  Nor  is  it 
certain  that  they  meditated  an  insurrection.  Yet 
the  fact  is  not  improbable  in  itself;  though  it  de- 
rives little  additional  probability  from  the  asser- 
tion of  the  hostile  interpreters.  It  is  certain,  how- 
ever, that  Pizarro  was  satisfied  of  the  existence 
of  a  conspiracy;  and,  without  further  hesitation, 
he  abandoned  his  wretched  prisoners,  ten  or  twelve 
in  number,  to  the  tender  mercies  of  their  rivals  of 
Tumbez,  who  instantly  massacred  them  before  his 
eyes.^^ 

Maddened  by  this  outrage,  the  people  of  Puna 
sprang  to  arms,  and  threw  themselves  at  once,  with 
fearful  yells  and  the  wildest  menaces  of  despair, 
on  the  Spanish  camp.  The  odds  of  numbers  were 
greatly  in  their  favor,  for  they  mustered  several 
thousand  w^arriors.  But  the  more  decisive  odds  of 
arms  and  discipline  were  on  the  side  of  their  an- 
tagonists; and,  as  the  Indians  rushed  forward  in 
a  confused  mass  to  the  assault,  the  Castilians 
coolly  received  them  on  their  long  pikes  or  swept 
them  down  by  the  volleys  of  their  musketry.  Their 
ill-protected  bodies  were  easily  cut  to  pieces  by 
the  sharp  sword  of  the  Spaniard;  and  Hernando 
Pizarro,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  the  cav- 
alry, charged  boldly  into  the  midst,  and  scattered 
them  far  and  wide  over  the  field,  until,  panic- 

"  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Baroia,  torn.  iii.  p.  183. 

"  "  Y  el  marques  don  Francisco  Pizarro,  por  tenellos  por  amijros  y 
estuviesen  de  paz  quando  alia  passasen,  les  dio  altrnnos  principales 
los  quales  ellos  matavan  en  presencia  de  los  espanoles,  cortandoles  las 
cavezas  por  el  cogote."    Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


32  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

struck  by  the  terrible  array  of  steel-clad  horsemen 
and  the  stunning  reports  and  the  flash  of  fire-arms, 
the  fugitives  sought  shelter  in  the  depths  of  their 
forests.  Yet  the  victory  was  owing,  in  some  de- 
gree, at  least, — if  we  may  credit  the  Conquerors, 
— to  the  interposition  of  Heaven ;  for  St.  Michael 
and  his  legions  were  seen  high  in  the  air  above  the 
combatants,  contending  with  the  arch-enemy  of 
man  and  cheering  on  the  Christians  by  their  ex- 
ample !  ^^ 

Not  more  than  three  or  four  Spaniards  fell  in 
the  fight;  but  many  were  wounded,  and  among 
them  Hernando  Pizarro,  who  received  a  severe  in- 
jury in  the  leg  from  a  javelin.  Nor  did  the  war 
end  here ;  for  the  implacable  islanders,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  cover  of  night,  or  of  any  remissness 
on  the  part  of  the  invaders,  were  ever  ready  to 
steal  out  of  their  fastnesses  and  spring  on  their 
enemy's  camp,  while,  by  cutting  off  his  straggling 
parties  and  destroying  his  provisions,  they  kept 
him  in  perpetual  alarm. 

In  this  uncomfortable  situation,  the  Spanish 
commander  was  gladdened  by  the  appearance  of 

*'The  city  of  San  Miguel  was  so  named  by  Pizarro  to  commemo- 
rate the  event;  and  the  existence  of  such  a  city  may  be  considered  by 
some  as  establishing  the  truth  of  the  miracle. — "  En  la  batalla  de 
Pund  vieron  muchos,  ya  de  los  Indios,  ya  de  los  nuestros,  que  habia 
en  el  aire  otros  dos  campos,  uno  acaudillado  por  el  Arcangel  S" 
Miguel  con  espada  y  rodela,  y  otro  por  I^uzbel  y  sus  secuaces;  mas 
apenas  cantaron  los  Castellanos  la  victoria  huyeron  los  diablos,  y 
formando  un  gran  torvellino  de  viento  se  oycron  en  el  aire  unas  'icr- 
ribles  voces  que  decian,  Vencistenos !  Miguel  vcncistenos !  De  aqui 
torn6  D"  Francisco  Pizarro  tanta  dcvocion  al  sto  Arcangel,  que 
])romcti(S  llamar  la  primcra  ciudad  que  fundase  de  su  nombre; 
cumpliolo  asi  como  veremos  adelante."  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
afio  1530. 


1531J        ADVENTURES    ON    THE    COAST  33 

two  vessels  off  the  island.  They  brought  a  rein- 
forcement consisting  of  a  hundred  volunteers,  be- 
sides horses  for  the  cavalry.  It  was  commanded 
by  Hernando  de  Soto,  a  captain  afterwards 
famous  as  the  discoverer  of  the  Mississippi,  which 
still  rolls  its  majestic  current  over  the  place  of  his 
burial, — a  fitting  monument  for  his  remains,  as 
it  is  of  his  renown.^^ 

This  reinforcement  was  most  welcome  to  Pi- 
zarro,  who  had  been  long  discontented  with  his 
position  on  an  island,  where  he  found  nothing  to 
compensate  the  life  of  unintermitting  hostility 
which  he  was  compelled  to  lead.  With  these  re- 
cruits he  felt  himself  in  sufficient  strength  to  cross 
over  to  the  continent  and  resume  military  opera- 
tions on  the  proper  theatre  for  discovery  and  con- 
quest. From  the  Indians  of  Tumbez  he  learned 
that  the  country  had  been  for  some  time  distracted 
by  a  civil  war  between  two  sons  of  the  late  mon- 
arch, competitors  for  the  throne.  This  intelligence 
he  regarded  as  of  the  utmost  importance,  for  he 
remembered  the  use  which  Cortes  had  made  of 
similar  dissensions  among  the  tribes  of  Anahuac. 
Indeed,  Pizarro  seems  to  have  had  the  example 
of  his  great  predecessor  before  his  eyes  on  more 
occasions  than  this.  But  he  fell  far  short  of  his 
model;  for,  notwithstanding  the  restraint  he 
sometimes  put  upon  himself,  his  coarser  nature 
and  more  ferocious  temper  often  betrayed  him 

"  The  transactions  in  Pund  are  given  at  more  or  less  length  bv 
Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
ubi  supra. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  iii.  pp.  182,  183. 
Vol.  II.— 3 


34  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

into  acts  most  repugnant  to  sound  policy,  which 
would  never  have  been  countenanced  by  the  Con- 
queror of  Mexico.* 

*  [The  religious  fanaticism  which  was  so  strongly  manifested  by 
Cortes  was  never  seen  in  Pizarro. — M.] 


CHAPTER   II 

PERU  AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  CONQUEST — REIGN  OF 
HUAYNA  CAPAC THE  INCA  BROTHERS CON- 
TEST FOR  THE  EMPIRE TRIUMPH  AND  CRUELTIES 

OF  ATAHUALLPA 

BEFORE  accompanying  the  march  of  Pizarro 
and  his  followers  into  the  country  of  the 
Incas,  it  is  necessary  to  make  the  reader  acquainted 
with  the  critical  situation  of  the  kingdom  at  this 
time.  For  the  Spaniards  arrived  just  at  the 
consummation  of  an  important  revolution, — a 
crisis  most  favorable  to  their  views  of  conquest, 
and  one,  indeed,  but  for  which  the  conquest,  with 
such  a  handful  of  soldiers,  could  never  have  been 
achieved. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century  died 
Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui,  one  of  the  most  renowned 
of  the  "  Children  of  the  Sun,"  who,  carrying  the 
Peruvian  arms  across  the  burning  sands  of  Ata- 
cama,  penetrated  to  the  remote  borders  of  Chili, 
while  in  the  opposite  direction  he  enlarged  the 
limits  of  the  empire  by  the  acquisition  of  the 
southern  provinces  of  Quito.  The  war  in  this 
quarter  was  conducted  by  his  son  Huayna  Capac, 
who  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne,  and  fully 
equalled  him  in  military  daring  and  in  capacity 
for  government. 

Under  this  prince,  the  whole  of  the  powerful 

35 


36  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

state  of  Quito,  which  rivalled  that  of  Peru  itself 
in  wealth  and  refinement,  was  brought  under  the 
sceptre  of  the  Incas;  whose  empire  received  by 
this  conquest  the  most  important  accession  yet 
made  to  it  since  the  foundation  of  the  dynasty  of 
Manco  Capac.  The  remaining  days  of  the  vic- 
torious monarch  were  passed  in  reducing  the  in- 
dependent tribes  on  the  remote  limits  of  his  terri- 
tory, and,  still  more,  in  cementing  his  conquests 
by  the  introduction  of  the  Peruvian  polity.  He 
was  actively  engaged  in  completing  the  great 
works  of  his  father,  especially  the  high-roads 
which  led  from  Quito  to  the  capital.  He  per- 
fected the  establishment  of  posts,  took  great  pains 
to  introduce  the  Quichua  dialect  throughout  the 
empire,  promoted  a  better  system  of  agriculture, 
and,  in  fine,  encouraged  the  different  branches  of 
domestic  industry  and  the  various  enlightened 
plans  of  his  predecessors  for  the  improvement  of 
his  people.  Under  his  sway  the  Peruvian  mon- 
archy reached  its  most  palmy  state;  and  under 
both  him  and  his  illustrious  father  it  was  ad- 
vancing with  such  rapid  strides  in  the  march  of 
civilization  as  would  soon  have  carried  it  to  a  level 
with  the  more  refined  despotisms  of  Asia,  furnish- 
ing the  world,  perhaps,  with  higher  evidence  of 
the  capabilities  of  the  American  Indian  than  is 
elsewhere  to  be  found  on  the  great  Western  conti- 
nent. But  other  and  gloomier  destinies  were  in 
reserve  for  the  Indian  races. 

The  first  arrival  of  the  white  men  on  the  South 
American  shores  of  the  Pacific  was  about  ten 
years  before  the  death  of  Huayna  Capac,  when 


1531]  REIGN  OF  HUAYNA  CAPAC  37 

Balboa  crossed  the  Gulf  of  St.  Michael  and  ob- 
tained the  first  clear  report  of  the  empire  of  the 
Incas.  Whether  tidings  of  these  adventurers 
reached  the  Indian  monarch's  ears  is  doubtful. 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  he  obtained  the 
news  of  the  first  expedition  under  Pizarro  and 
Almagro,  when  the  latter  commander  penetrated 
as  far  as  the  Rio  de  San  Juan,  about  the  fourth 
degree  north.  The  accounts  which  he  received 
made  a  strong  impression  on  the  mind  of  Huayna 
Capac.  He  discerned  in  the  formidable  prowess 
and  weapons  of  the  invaders  proofs  of  a  civiliza- 
tion far  superior  to  that  of  his  own  people.  He 
intimated  his  apprehension  that  they  would  re- 
turn, and  that  at  some  day,  not  far  distant  per- 
haps, the  throne  of  the  Incas  might  be  shaken  by 
these  strangers  endowed  with  such  incomprehen- 
sible powers.^  To  the  vulgar  eye,  it  was  a  little 
speck  on  the  verge  of  the  horizon;  but  that  of 
the  sagacious  monarch  seemed  to  descry  in  it  the 
dark  thunder-cloud  that  was  to  spread  wider  and 
wider  till  it  burst  in  fury  on  his  nation. 

There  is  some  ground  for  believing  thus  much. 
But  other  accounts,  which  have  obtained  a  popu- 
lar currency,  not  content  with  this,  connect  the 
first  tidings  of  the  white  men  with  predictions  long 
extant  in  the  country,  and  with  supernatural  ap- 
pearances which  filled  the  hearts  of  the  whole  na- 
tion with  dismay.  Comets  were  seen  flaming 
athwart  the  heavens.  Earthquakes  shook  the 
land;    the  moon  was  girdled  with  rings  of  fire 

'  Sarmiento,  an  honest  authority,  tells  us  he  had  this  from  some  of 
the  Inca  lords  who  heard  it.     Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  65. 


38  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

of  many  colors;  a  thunderbolt  fell  on  one  of  the 
royal  palaces  and  consumed  it  to  ashes;  and  an 
eagle,  chased  by  several  hawks,  was  seen,  scream- 
ing in  the  air,  to  hover  above  the  great  square  of 
Cuzco,  when,  pierced  by  the  talons  of  his  tor- 
mentors, the  king  of  birds  fell  lifeless  in  the 
presence  of  many  of  the  Inca  nobles,  who  read 
in  this  an  augury  of  their  own  destruction.  Hu- 
ayna  Capac  himself,  calling  his  great  officers 
around  him,  as  he  found  he  was  drawing  near  his 
end,  announced  the  subversion  of  his  empire  by 
the  race  of  white  and  bearded  strangers,  as  the 
consummation  predicted  by  the  oracles  after  the 
reign  of  the  twelfth  Inca,  and  he  enjoined  it  on 
his  vassals  not  to  resist  the  decrees  of  Heaven,  but 
to  yield  obedience  to  its  messengers.^ 

Such  is  the  report  of  the  impressions  made  by 
the  appearance  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  country, 
reminding  one  of  the  similar  feelings  of  super- 
stitious terror  occasioned  by  their  appearance  in 
Mexico.  But  the  traditions  of  the  latter  land  rest 
on  much  higher  authority  than  those  of  the  Peru- 
vians, which,  unsupported  by  contemporary  testi- 
mony, rest  almost  wholly  on  the  naked  assertion 
of  one  of  their  own  nation,  who  thought  to  find, 

*  A  minute  relation  of  these  supernatural  occurrences  is  given  by 
the  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  14), 
whose  situation  opened  to  him  the  very  best  sources  of  information, 
which  is  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  defects  of  his  own  char- 
acter as  an  historian, — his  childish  credulity,  and  his  desire  to  mag- 
nify and  mystify  every  thing  relating  to  his  own  order,  and,  indeed, 
his  nation.  His  work  is  the  source  of  most  of  the  fact.s — and  the 
falsehoods — that  have  obtained  circulation  in  respect  to  the  ancient 
Peruvians.  Unfortunately,  at  this  distance  of  time  it  is  not  always 
easy  to  distinguish  the  one  from  the  other. 


1531]  REIGN  OF  HUAYNA  CAPAC  39 

doubtless,  in  the  inevitable  decrees  of  Heaven  the 
best  apology  for  the  supineness  of  his  country- 
men. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  rumors  of  the  advent 
of  a  strange  and  mysterious  race  should  have 
spread  gradually  among  the  Indian  tribes  along 
the  great  table-land  of  the  Cordilleras,  and  should 
have  shaken  the  hearts  of  the  stoutest  warriors 
with  feelings  of  undefined  dread,  as  of  some  im- 
pending calamity.  In  this  state  of  mind,  it  was 
natural  that  physical  convulsions,  to  which  that 
volcanic  country  is  peculiarly  subject,  should  have 
made  an  unwonted  impression  on  their  minds,  and 
that  the  phenomena  which  might  have  been  re- 
garded only  as  extraordinary,  in  the  usual  seasons 
of  political  security,  should  now  be  interpreted  by 
the  superstitious  soothsayer  as  the  handwriting  on 
the  heavens,  by  which  the  God  of  the  Incas  pro- 
claimed the  approaching  downfall  of  their  empire. 

Huayna  Capac  had,  as  usual  with  the  Peruvian 
princes,  a  multitude  of  concubines,  by  whom  he 
left  a  numerous  posterity.  The  heir  to  the  crown, 
the  son  of  his  lawful  wife  and  sister,  was  named 
Huascar.''    At  the  period  of  the  history  at  which 

'  Huascar,  in  the  Quichua  dialect,  signifies  "  a  cable."  The  reason 
of  its  being  given  to  the  heir-apparent  is  remarkable.  Huayna 
Capac  celebrated  the  birth  of  the  prince  by  a  festival,  in  which  he 
introduced  a  massive  gold  chain  for  the  nobles  to  hold  in  their  hands 
as  they  performed  their  national  dances.  The  chain  was  seven  hun- 
dred feet  in  length,  and  the  links  nearly  as  big  round  as  a  man's 
wrist!  (See  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  14. — Garcilasso.  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  1.)  The  latter  writer  had  the  particulars, 
he  tells  us,  from  his  old  Inca  uncle, — who  seems  to  have  dealt  largely 
in  the  marvellous;  not  too  largely  for  his  audience,  however,  as  the 
story  has  been  circulated  without  scruple  by  most  of  the  Castilian 
writers  both  of  that  and  of  the  succeeding  age. 


40  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

we  are  now  arrived,  he  was  about  thirty  years  of 
age.  Next  to  the  heir-apparent,  by  another  wife, 
a  cousin  of  the  monarch's,  came  Manco  Capac,  a 
young  prince  who  will  occupy  an  important  place 
in  our  subsequent  story.  But  the  best-beloved  of 
the  Inca's  children  was  Atahuallpa.  His  mother 
was  the  daughter  of  the  last  Scyri  of  Quito,  who 
had  died  of  grief,  it  was  said,  not  long  after  the 
subversion  of  his  kingdom  by  Huayna  Capac. 
The  princess  was  beautiful,  and  the  Inca,  whether 
to  gratify  his  passion,  or,  as  the  Peruvians  say, 
wilhng  to  make  amends  for  the  ruin  of  her  pa- 
rents, received  her  among  his  concubines.  The 
historians  of  Quito  assert  that  she  was  his  lawful 
wife;  but  this  dignity,  according  to  the  usages 
of  the  empire,  was  reserved  for  maidens  of  the 
Inca  blood. 

The  latter  years  of  Huayna  Capac  were  passed 
in  his  new  kingdom  of  Quito.  Atahuallpa  was 
accordingly  brought  up  under  his  own  eye,  accom- 
panied him,  while  in  his  tender  years,  in  his  cam- 
paigns, slept  in  the  same  tent  with  his  royal  father, 
and  ate  from  the  same  plate.^  The  vivacity  of  the 
boy,  his  courage  and  generous  nature,  won  the 
affections  of  the  old  monarch  to  such  a  degree  that 
he  resolved  to  depart  from  the  established  usages 
of  the  realm  and  divide  his  empire  between  him 
and  his  elder  brother  Huascar.  On  his  death-bed 
he  called  the  great  officers  of  the  crown  around 


*"  Atabalipa  era  bien  quisto  de  los  Capitanes  viejos  de  su  Padre  y 
de  los  Soldados,  porque  andubo  en  la  puerra  en  sii  ninez  y  porque  el 
en  vida  le  mo.str6  tanto  amor  que  no  le  dejaba  comer  otra  cosa  (jiie 
lo  que  <^1  le  daba  de  su  plato."     Sarmiento,  Ilelacion,  MS.,  cap.  66. 


1531]  REIGN  OF  HUAYNA  CAPAC  41 

him,  and  declared  it  to  be  his  will  that  the  ancient 
kingdom  of  Quito  should  pass  to  Atahuallpa,  who 
might  be  considered  as  having  a  natural  claim  on 
it,  as  the  dominion  of  his  ancestors.  The  rest  of 
the  empire  he  settled  on  Huascar;  and  he  en- 
joined it  on  the  two  brothers  to  acquiesce  in  this 
arrangement  and  to  live  in  amity  with  each  other. 
This  was  the  last  act  of  the  heroic  monarch ;  doubt- 
less the  most  impolitic  of  his  whole  life.  With 
his  dying  breath  he  subverted  the  fundamental 
laws  of  the  empire;  and,  while  he  recommended 
harmony  between  the  successors  to  his  authority, 
he  left  in  this  very  division  of  it  the  seeds  of  in- 
evitable discord.^ 

His  death  took  place,  as  seems  probable,  at 
the  close  of  1525,  not  quite  seven  years  before 
Pizarro's  arrival  at  Puna.*'  The  tidings  of  his 
decease  spread  sorrow  and  consternation  through- 
out the  land;  for,  though  stern  and  even  inexor- 
able to  the  rebel  and  the  long-resisting  foe,  he  was 
a  brave  and  magnanimous  monarch,  and  legislated 
with  the  enlarged  views  of  a  prince  who  regarded 

'  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Tndias,  MS.,  Parte  1,  lib.  8,  cap.  9. — Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  12. — Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  65. 
— Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  201. 

'  The  precise  date  of  this  event,  though  so  near  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  is  matter  of  doubt.  Balboa,  a  contemporary  with  the  Con- 
querors, and  who  wrote  at  Quito,  where  the  Inca  died,  fixes  it  at 
1525.  (Hist,  due  P^rou,  chap.  14.)  Velasco,  another  inhabitant  of 
the  same  place,  after  an  investigation  of  the  different  accounts, 
comes  to  the  like  conclusion.  (Hist,  de  Quito,  tom.  i.  p.  232.)  Dr. 
Robertson,  after  telling  us  that  Huayna  Capac  died  in  1529,  speaks 
again  of  this  event  as  having  happened  in  1527.  (Conf.  America, 
vol.  iii.  pp.  25,  381.)  Any  one  who  has  been  bewildered  by  the 
chronological  snarl  of  the  ancient  chronicles  will  not  be  surprised  at 
meeting  occasionally  with  such  inconsistencies  in  a  writer  who  is 
obliged  to  take  them  as  his  guides. 


42  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

every  part  of  his  dominions  as  equally  his  concern. 
The  people  of  Quito,  flattered  by  the  proofs  which 
he  had  given  of  preference  for  them  by  his  perma- 
nent residence  in  that  country  and  his  embellish- 
ment of  their  capital,  manifested  unfeigned  sor- 
row at  his  loss;  and  his  subjects  at  Cuzco,  proud 
of  the  glory  which  his  arms  and  his  abilities  had 
secured  for  his  native  land,  held  him  in  no  less 
admiration ;  ^  while  the  more  thoughtful  and  the 
more  timid,  in  both  countries,  looked  with  appre- 
hension to  the  future,  when  the  sceptre  of  the  vast 
empire,  instead  of  being  swayed  by  an  old  and 
experienced  hand,  was  to  be  consigned  to  rival 
princes,  naturally  jealous  of  one  another,  and, 
from  their  age,  necessarily  exposed  to  the  un- 
wholesome influence  of  crafty  and  ambitious 
counsellors.  The  people  testified  their  regret  by 
the  unwonted  honors  paid  to  the  memory  of  the 
deceased  Inca.  His  heart  was  retained  in  Quito, 
and  his  body,  embalmed  after  the  fashion  of  the 
country,  was  transported  to  Cuzco,  to  take  its 
place  in  the  great  temple  of  the  Sun,  by  the  side 
of  the  remains  of  his  royal  ancestors.  His  obse- 
quies were  celebrated  with  sanguinary  splendor  in 
both  the  capitals  of  his  far-extended  empire ;  and 
several  thousand  of  the  imperial  concubines,  with 
numerous  pages  and  oflicers  of  the  palace,  are  said 
to  have  proved  their  sorrow,  or  their  superstition, 
by  ofl'ering  up  their  own  lives,  that  they  might 

^  One  cannot  doubt  this  monarch's  popularity  wath  the  female  part 
of  his  subjects,  at  least,  if,  as  the  historian  of  the  Incas  tells  us,  "  he 
was  never  known  to  refuse  a  woman,  of  whatever  ape  or  deprroe  she 
mipht  be,  any  favor  that  she  asked  of  him  "  !  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1, 
lib.  8,  cap.  7. 


1531]  XHE    INCA    BROTHERS  43 

accompany  their  departed  lord  to  the  bright  man- 
sions of  the  Sun.* 

For  nearly  five  years  after  the  death  of  Huayna 
Capac,  the  royal  brothers  reigned,  each  over  his 
allotted  portion  of  the  empire,  without  distrust 
of  one  another,  or,  at  least,  without  collision.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  wish  of  their  father  was  to  be 
completely  realized,  and  that  the  two  states  were 
to  maintain  their  respective  integrity  and  inde- 
pendence as  much  as  if  they  had  never  been  united 
into  one.  But,  with  the  manifold  causes  for 
jealousy  and  discontent,  and  the  swarms  of 
courtly  sycophants  who  would  find  their  account 
in  fomenting  these  feelings,  it  was  easy  to  see 
that  this  tranquil  state  of  things  could  not  long 
endure.  Nor  would  it  have  endured  so  long,  but 
for  the  more  gentle  temper  of  Huascar,  the  only 
party  who  had  ground  for  complaint.  He  was 
four  or  five  years  older  than  his  brother,  and  was 
possessed  of  courage  not  to  be  doubted;  but  he 
was  a  prince  of  a  generous  and  easy  nature,  and 
perhaps,  if  left  to  himself,  might  have  acquiesced 
in  an  arrangement  which,  however  unpalatable, 
was  the  will  of  his  deified  father.  But  Atahuallpa 
was  of  a  different  temper.  Warlike,  ambitious, 
and  daring,  he  was  constantly  engaged  in  enter- 
prises for  the  enlargement  of  his  own  territory, 
though  his  crafty  policy  was  scrupulous  not  to 
aim  at  extending  his  acquisitions  in  the  direction 
of  his  royal  brother.  His  restless  spirit,  however, 
excited  some  alarm  at  the  court  of  Cuzco,  and 

'  Sarmiento,  Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  65. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec. 
5,  lib.  3,  cap.  17. 


44  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Huascar  at  length  sent  an  envoy  to  Atahuallpa, 
to  remonstrate  with  him  on  his  ambitious  enter- 
prises, and  to  require  him  to  render  him  homage 
for  his  kingdom  of  Quito. 

This  is  one  statement.  Other  accounts  pretend 
that  the  immediate  cause  of  rupture  was  a  claim 
instituted  by  Huascar  for  the  territory  of  Tume- 
bamba,  held  by  his  brother  as  part  of  his  patri- 
monial inheritance.  It  matters  little  what  was 
the  ostensible  ground  of  collision  between  persons 
placed  by  circumstances  in  so  false  a  position  in 
regard  to  one  another  that  collision  must,  at  some 
time  or  other,  inevitably  occur. 

The  commencement,  and,  indeed,  the  whole 
course,  of  hostilities  which  soon  broke  out  between 
the  rival  brothers  are  stated  with  irreconcilable 
and,  considering  the  period  was  so  near  to  that 
of  the  Spanish  invasion,  with  unaccountable  dis- 
crepancy. By  some  it  is  said  that  in  Atahuallpa's 
first  encounter  with  the  troops  of  Cuzco  he  was 
defeated  and  made  prisoner  near  Tumebamba,  a 
favorite  residence  of  his  father,  in  the  ancient 
territory  of  Quito  and  in  the  district  of  Canaris. 
From  this  disaster  he  recovered  by  a  fortunate 
escape  from  confinement,  when,  regaining  his 
capital,  he  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
numerous  army,  led  by  the  most  able  and  experi- 
enced captains  in  the  empire.  The  liberal  manners 
of  the  young  Atahuallpa  had  endeared  him  to  the 
soldiers,  with  whom,  as  we  have  seen,  he  served 
more  than  one  campaign  in  his  father's  lifetime. 
These  troops  were  the  flower  of  the  great  army 
of  the  Inca,  and  some  of  them  had  grown  gray 


1531]  CONTEST    FOR    THE    EMPIRE  45 

ill  his  long  military  career,  which  had  left  them 
at  the  north,  where  they  readily  transferred  their 
allegiance  to  the  young  sovereign  of  Quito.  They 
were  commanded  hy  two  officers  of  great  consid- 
eration, both  possessed  of  large  experience  in  mili- 
tary affairs  and  high  in  the  confidence  of  the  late 
Inca.  One  of  them  was  named  Quizquiz;  the 
other,  who  was  the  maternal  uncle  of  Atahuallpa, 
was  called  Challcuchima. 

With  these  practised  warriors  to  guide  him,  the 
young  monarch  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
martial  array  and  directed  his  march  towards  the 
south.  He  had  not  advanced  farther  than  Am- 
bato,  about  sixty  miles  distant  from  his  capital, 
when  he  fell  in  with  a  numerous  host  which  had 
been  sent  against  him  by  his  brother,  under  the 
command  of  a  distinguished  chieftain  of  the  Inca 
family.  A  bloody  battle  followed,  which  lasted 
the  greater  part  of  the  day;  and  the  theatre  of 
combat  was  the  skirts  of  the  mighty  Chimborazo.^ 

The  battle  ended  favorably  for  Atahuallpa,  and 
the  Peruvians  were  routed  with  great  slaughter 
and  the  loss  of  their  commander.  The  Prince  of 
Quito  availed  himself  of  his  advantage  to  push 
forward  his  march  until  he  arrived  before  the 
gates  of  Tumebamba,  which  city,  as  well  as  the 
whole  district  of  Canaris,  though  an  ancient  de- 

•  Garcilasso  denies  that  any  thing  but  insignificant  skirmishes  took 
place  before  the  decisive  action  fought  on  the  plains  of  Cuzco.  But 
Sarmiento,  who  gathered  his  accounts  of  these  events,  as  he  tells  us, 
from  the  actors  in  them,  walked  over  the  field  of  battle  at  Ambato, 
when  the  ground  was  still  covered  with  the  bones  of  the  slain :  "  Yo 
he  pasado  por  este  Pueblo  y  h6  visto  el  Lugar  donde  dicen  que  esta 
Batalla  se  di6,  y  cierto  segun  hay  la  osamenta  devieron  aun  de  morir 
mas  gente  de  la  que  cuentan."     Relacion,  MS.,  cap.  69. 


46  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

pendency  of  Quito,  had  sided  with  his  rival  in  the 
contest.  Entering  the  captive  city  like  a  con- 
queror, he  put  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword,  and 
razed  it  with  all  its  stately  edifices,  some  of  which 
had  been  reared  by  his  own  father,  to  the  ground. 
He  carried  on  the  same  war  of  extermination  as 
he  marched  through  the  offending  district  of 
Canaris.  In  some  places,  it  is  said,  bands  of 
childi-en,  as  well  as  of  older  persons,  were  sent  out, 
in  melancholy  procession,  with  green  branches  in 
their  hands,  to  deprecate  his  wrath;  but  the  vin- 
dictive conqueror,  deaf  to  their  entreaties,  laid 
the  country  waste  with  fire  and  sword,  sparing 
no  man  capable  of  bearing  arms  who  fell  into  his 
hands.'" 

The  fate  of  Canaris  struck  terror  into  the  hearts 
of  his  enemies,  and  one  place  after  another  opened 
its  gates  to  the  victor,  who  held  on  his  triumphant 
march  towards  the  Peruvian  capital.  His  arms 
experienced  a  temporary  check  before  the  island 
of  Puna,  whose  bold  warriors  maintained  the  cause 
of  his  brother.  After  some  days  lost  before  this 
place,  Atahuallpa  left  the  contest  to  their  old 
enemies,  the  people  of  Tumbez,  who  had  early 

"  "  Cuentan  muchos  Indies  &  quien  yo  lo  oi,  que  por  amansar  su 
ira,  mandaron  &  un  escuadron  grande  de  niiios  y  d  otro  de  hombres 
de  toda  edad,  que  saliesen  hasta  las  ricas  andas  donde  venia  con  grnn 
pompa,  llevando  en  las  manos  ramos  verdes  y  ojns  de  palma,  y  que  le 
pldiesen  la  gracia  y  amistad  suya  para  el  pueblo,  sin  mirar  la  injuria 
pasada,  y  que  en  tantos  clamores  se  lo  suplicaron,  y  con  tanta  hu- 
mildad,  que  bastara  quebrantar  corazones  de  piedra;  mas  poca  im- 
presion  hicieron  en  el  cruel  de  Atabalipa,  porque  dicen  que  mando 
&  sus  capitanes  y  gentes  que  matasen  d  todos  aquellos  que  habian 
venido,  lo  cual  fu^  hecho,  no  perdonando  sino  d  algunos  nifios  y 
d  Ins  mugeres  sagradas  del  Templo."  Sarrniento,  lielacion,  MS., 
cap.  70. 


1531]  CONTEST    FOR    THE    EMPIRE  47 

given  in  their  adhesion  to  him,  while  he  resumed 
his  march  and  advanced  as  far  as  Caxamalca, 
about  seven  degrees  south.  Here  he  halted  with 
a  detachment  of  the  army,  sending  forward  the 
main  body  under  the  command  of  his  two  gen- 
erals, with  orders  to  move  straight  upon  Cuzco. 
He  preferred  not  to  trust  himself  farther  in  the 
enemy's  country,  where  a  defeat  might  be  fatal. 
By  establishing  his  quarters  at  Caxamalca,  he 
would  be  able  to  support  his  generals  in  case  of 
a  reverse,  or,  at  worst,  to  secure  his  retreat  on 
Quito  until  he  was  again  in  condition  to  renew 
hostilities. 

The  two  commanders,  advancing  by  rapid 
marches,  at  length  crossed  the  Apurimac  River, 
and  arrived  within  a  short  distance  of  the  Peru- 
vian capital.  Meanwhile,  Huascar  had  not  been 
idle.  On  receiving  tidings  of  the  discomfiture  of 
his  army  at  Ambato,  he  made  every  exertion  to 
raise  levies  throughout  the  country.  By  the  ad- 
vice, it  is  said,  of  his  priests, — the  most  incompe- 
tent advisers  in  times  of  danger, — he  chose  to 
await  the  approach  of  the  enemy  in  his  own 
capital;  and  it  was  not  till  the  latter  had  arrived 
within  a  few  leagues  of  Cuzco  that  the  Inca, 
taking  counsel  of  the  same  ghostly  monitors, 
sallied  forth  to  give  him  battle. 

The  two  armies  met  on  the  plains  of  Quipaypan, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Indian  metropolis. 
Their  numbers  are  stated  with  the  usual  discrep- 
ancy; but  Atahuallpa's  troops  had  considerably 
the  advantage  in  discipline  and  experience,  for 
many  of  Huascar's  levies  had  been  drawn  hastily 


48  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

together  from  the  surrounding  country.  Both 
fought,  however,  with  the  desperation  of  men 
who  felt  that  every  thing  was  at  stake.  It  was  no 
longer  a  contest  for  a  province,  but  for  the  pos- 
session of  an  empire.  Atahuallpa's  troops,  flushed 
with  recent  success,  fought  with  the  confidence  of 
those  who  relied  on  their  superior  prowess;  while 
the  loyal  vassals  of  the  Inca  displayed  all  the  self- 
devotion  of  men  who  held  their  ovni  lives  cheap  in 
the  service  of  their  master. 

The  fight  raged  with  the  greatest  obstinacy 
from  sunrise  to  sunset;  and  the  ground  was 
covered  with  heaps  of  the  dying  and  the  dead, 
whose  bones  lay  bleaching  on  the  battle-field  long 
after  the  conquest  by  the  Spaniards.  At  length, 
fortune  declared  in  favor  of  Atahuallpa,  or, 
rather,  the  usual  result  of  superior  discipline 
and  military  practice  followed.  The  ranks  of 
the  Inca  were  thrown  into  irretrievable  disorder, 
and  gave  way  in  all  directions.  The  conquerors 
followed  close  on  the  heels  of  the  flying.  Huas- 
car  himself,  among  the  latter,  endeavored  to  make 
his  escape  with  about  a  thousand  men  who  re- 
mained round  his  person.  But  the  royal  fugitive 
was  discovered  before  he  had  left  the  field;  his 
little  party  was  enveloped  by  clouds  of  the  enem5% 
and  nearly  every  one  of  the  devoted  band  perished 
in  defence  of  their  Inca.  Huascar  was  made 
prisoner,  and  the  victorious  chiefs  marched  at  once 
on  his  capital,  which  they  occupied  in  the  name  of 
their  sovereign.'^ 

"  Cieza  de  Leon,  Croiiicu,  cap.  77. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  9. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcla,  torn. 


1531]  CONTEST    FOR    THE    EMPIRE  49 

These  events  occurred  in  the  spring  of  1532,  a 
few  months  before  the  landing  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  tidings  of  the  success  of  his  arms  and  the 
capture  of  his  unfortunate  brother  reached  Ata- 
huallpa  at  Caxamalca.  He  instantly  gave  orders 
that  Huascar  should  be  treated  with  the  respect 
due  to  his  rank,  but  that  he  should  be  removed 
to  the  strong  fortress  of  Xauxa  and  held  there 
in  strict  confinement.  His  orders  did  not  stop 
here, — if  we  are  to  receive  the  accounts  of  Gar- 
cilasso  de  la  Vega,  himself  of  the  Inca  race,  and 
by  his  mother's  side  nephew  of  the  great  Huayna 
Capac. 

According  to  this  authority,  Atahuallpa  invited 
the  Inca  nobles  throughout  the  country  to  as- 
semble at  Cuzco,  in  order  to  deliberate  on  the  best 
means  of  partitioning  the  empire  between  him 
and  his  brother.  When  they  had  met  in  the  capi- 
tal, they  were  surrounded  by  the  soldiery  of  Quito 
and  butchered  without  mercy.  The  motive  for 
this  perfidious  act  was  to  exterminate  the  whole 
of  the  royal  family,  who  might  each  one  of  them 
show  a  better  title  to  the  crown  than  the  illegiti- 
mate Atahuallpa.  But  the  massacre  did  not  end 
here.  The  illegitimate  offspring,  like  himself, 
half-brothers  of  the  monster,  all,  in  short,  who 
had  any  of  the  Inca  blood  in  their  veins,  were  in- 
volved in  it;  and,  with  an  appetite  for  carnage 
unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  the  Roman  Empire 
or  of  the  French  Republic,  Atahuallpa  ordered  all 
the  females  of  the  blood  royal,  his  aunts,  nieces, 

iii.  p.  909. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  13. — Sarmiento,  Rela- 
cion,  MS.,  cap.  70. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  v  Conq.,  MS. 
Vol.  11.-4 


50  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

and  cousins,  to  be  put  to  death,  and  that,  too,  with 
the  most  refined  and  Hngering  tortures.  To  give 
greater  zest  to  his  revenge,  many  of  the  executions 
took  place  in  the  presence  of  Huascar  himself, 
who  was  thus  compelled  to  witness  the  butchery 
of  his  own  wives  and  sisters,  while,  in  the  ex- 
tremity of  anguish,  they  in  vain  called  on  him 
to  protect  them!  ^^ 

Such  is  the  tale  told  by  the  historian  of  the 
Incas,  and  received  by  him,  as  he  assures  us,  from 
his  mother  and  uncle,  who,  being  children  at  the 
time,  were  so  fortunate  as  to  be  among  the  few 
that  escaped  the  massacre  of  their  house/ ^  And 
such  is  the  account  repeated  by  many  a  Castilian 
writer  since,  without  any  symptom  of  distrust. 
But  a  tissue  of  unprovoked  atrocities  like  these 
is  too  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  human  nature 
— and,  indeed,  to  common  sense — to  warrant  our 
belief  in  them  on  ordinary  testimony. 

The  annals  of  semi-civilized  nations  unhappily 
show  that  there  have  been  instances  of  similar  at- 
tempts to  extinguish  the  whole  of  a  noxious  race 

"Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  35-39.— "  A  las  Mu- 
geres,  Hermanas,  Tias,  Sobrinas,  Priinas  Hermana.s,  y  Madra.stras 
de  Atahuallpa,  colgavan  de  los  Arboles,  y  de  murhas  Horcas  mui 
altas  que  hicieron:  h.  iina.s  colgaron  de  los  cabcllos,  a  otras  por 
debajo  de  los  bra^os,  y  a  otras  de  otras  maneras  feas,  que  por  la 
honestidad  se  callan:  davanles  sus  bijuelos,  que  los  tuviesen  en 
brakes,  tenianlos  hasta  que  se  les  caian,  y  se  aporreavan."  (Ibid., 
cap.  37.)  The  variety  of  torture  .shows  some  invention  in  the  writer, 
or,  more  probably,  in  the  writer's  uncle,  the  ancient  Inca,  the  racon- 
teur of  these  Bluel)eard  butcheries. 

"  "  Las  crueldades,  que  .Atahuallpa  en  los  de  la  Sanpre  Real  hi<;'o, 
dir^'  de  Relacion  de  mi  Mad  re,  y  de  un  Hermano  suio,  que  se  llamrt 
Don  Fernando  Huallpa  Tiipac  Inca  Yupanqui,  que  entonces  eran 
Niflos  de  menos  de  diez  Anos."  Garcila.s.so,  Com.  Heal.,  Parte  1,  lil). 
9,  cap.  14. 


1531J  TRIUMPH    OF    ATAHUALLPA  51 

which  had  become  the  object  of  a  tyrant's  jeal- 
ousy; though  such  an  attempt  is  about  as  chi- 
merical as  it  would  be  to  extirpate  any  particular 
species  of  plant  the  seeds  of  which  had  been  borne 
on  every  wind  over  the  country.  But,  if  the  at- 
tempt to  exterminate  the  Inca  race  was  actually 
made  by  Atahuallpa,  how  comes  it  that  so  many  of 
the  pure  descendants  of  the  blood  royal — nearly 
six  hundred  in  number — are  admitted  by  the  his- 
torian to  have  been  in  existence  seventy  years  after 
the  imputed  massacre?  ^*  Why  was  the  massacre, 
instead  of  being  limited  to  the  legitimate  members 
of  the  royal  stock,  who  could  show  a  better  title  to 
the  crown  than  the  usurper,  extended  to  all,  how- 
ever remotely  or  in  whatever  way,  connected  with 
the  race?  Why  were  aged  women  and  young 
maidens  involved  in  the  proscription,  and  why 
were  they  subjected  to  such  refined  and  super- 
fluous tortures,  when  it  is  obvious  that  beings  so 
impotent  could  have  done  nothing  to  provoke  the 
jealousy  of  the  tyrant?  Why,  when  so  many  were 
sacrificed  from  some  vague  apprehension  of  dis- 
tant danger,  was  his  rival  Huascar,  together  with 
his  younger  brother  Manco  Capac,  the  two  men 
from  whom  the  conqueror  had  most  to  fear,  suf- 
fered to  live  ?  Why,  in  short,  is  the  wonderful  tale 
not  recorded  by  others  before  the  time  of  Gar- 

"  This  appears  from  a  petition  for  certain  immunities,  forivarded 
to  Spain  in  1G03,  and  signed  by  five  hundred  and  sixty-seven  Indians 
of  the  royal  Inca  race.  (Ibid.,  Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  40.)  Oviedo  says 
that  Huayna  Capac  left  a  hundred  sons  and  daughters,  and  that 
most  of  them  icere  alive  at  the  tim.e  his  writinp :  "  Tubo  cien  hijos  y 
hijas,  y  la  mayor  parte  de  ellos  son  vivos."  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Parte  3,  lib.  8.  cap.  9. 


52  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

cilasso,  and  nearer  by  half  a  century  to  the  events 
themselves?  ^^ 

That  Atahuallpa  may  have  been  guilty  of  ex- 
cesses, and  abused  the  rights  of  conquest  by  some 
gratuitous  acts  of  cruelty,  may  be  readily  believed ; 
for  no  one  who  calls  to  mind  his  treatment  of  the 
Canaris — which  his  own  apologists  do  not  affect 
to  deny  ^^ — will  doubt  that  he  had  a  full  measure 
of  the  vindictive  temper  which  belongs  to 

"  Those  souls  of  fire,  and  Children  of  the  Sun, 
With  whom  revenge  was  virtue." 

But  there  is  a  wide  difference  between  this  and 
the  monstrous  and  most  unprovoked  atrocities  im- 
puted to  him,  implying  a  diabolical  nature  not  to 
be  admitted  on  the  evidence  of  an  Indian  partisan, 
the  sworn  foe  of  his  house,  and  repeated  by  Cas- 
tilian  chroniclers,  who  may  naturally  seek,  by 
blazoning  the  enormities  of  Atahuallpa,  to  find 
some  apology  for  the  cruelty  of  their  countrymen 
towards  him. 

The  news  of  the  great  victory  was  borne  on  the 
wings  of  the  wind  to  Caxamalca;  and  loud  and 
long  was  the  rejoicing,  not  only  in  the  camp  of 

"  T  have  looked  in  vain  for  some  confirmation  of  this  story  in 
Oviedo,  Sarmiento,  Xerez,  Cieza  de  Leon,  Zarate,  Pedro  Pizarro,  Go- 
mara, — all  living  at  the  time,  and  having  access  to  the  best  sources 
of  information,  and  all,  it  may  be  added,  disposed  to  do  stern  justice 
to  the  evil  qualities  of  the  Indian  monarch. 

"  No  one  of  the  apologists  of  Atahuallpa  goes  quite  so  far  as 
Father  Velasco,  who,  in  the  overflowings  of  his  loyalty  for  a  Quito 
monarch,  regards  his  massacre  of  the  Caflarls  as  a  very  fair  retribu- 
tion for  their  offences:  "Si  les  auteurs  dont  je  viens  dc  parler 
sVtaient  trouv^s  dans  les  mOmes  circonstances  qu'Atahuallpa  et 
avaient  ^prouv6  autant  d'offenses  graves  et  de  trahisons,  Je  ne 
croirai  jamais  qu'ils  eussent  agi  autrcmcnt."  Hist,  de  Quito,  torn, 
i.  p.  253. 


1*31]  TRIUMPH    OF    ATAHUALLPA  63 

Atahuallpa,  but  in  the  town  and  surrounding 
country ;  for  all  now  came  in,  eager  to  offer  their 
congratulations  to  the  victor  and  do  him  homage. 
The  prince  of  Quito  no  longer  hesitated  to  assume 
the  scarlet  horla,  the  diadem  of  the  Incas.  His 
triumph  was  complete.  He  had  beaten  his  enemies 
on  their  own  ground,  had  taken  their  capital,  had 
set  his  foot  on  the  neck  of  his  rival,  and  won  for 
himself  the  ancient  sceptre  of  the  Children  of  the 
Sun.  But  the  hour  of  triumph  was  destined  to  be 
that  of  his  deepest  humiliation.  Atahuallpa  was 
not  one  of  those  to  whom,  in  the  language  of  the 
Grecian  bard,  "  the  gods  are  willing  to  reveal 
themselves."  ^^  He  had  not  read  the  handwriting 
on  the  heavens.  The  small  speck  which  the  clear- 
sighted eye  of  his  father  had  discerned  on  the 
distant  verge  of  the  horizon,  though  little  noticed 
by  Atahuallpa,  intent  on  the  deadly  strife  with 
his  brother,  had  now  risen  high  towards  the  zenith, 
spreading  wider  and  wider,  till  it  wrapped  the 
skies  in  darkness  and  was  ready  to  burst  in  thun- 
ders on  the  devoted  nation. 

^^  "  Oil  yip  irw  navrtcai  Otoi  ^aivovrai  tvopyeis." 

OAY2,  ir,  V.  l6l. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE   SPANIARDS  LAND  AT  TUMBEZ — PIZARRO  REC- 
ONNOITRES THE  COUNTRY FOUNDATION  OF  SAN 

MIGUEL — MARCH  INTO  THE  INTERIOR — EMBASSY 

FROM   THE  INCA ^ADVENTURES  ON   THE   MARCH 

ARRIVAL  AT  THE  FOOT  OF  THE  ANDES 

1532 

WE  left  the  Spaniards  at  the  island  of  Puna, 
preparing  to  make  their  descent  on  the 
neighboring  continent  at  Tumbez.  This  port  was 
but  a  few  leagues  distant,  and  Pizarro,  with  the 
greater  part  of  his  followers,  passed  over  in  the 
ships,  while  a  few  others  were  to  transport  the 
commander's  baggage  and  the  military  stores  on 
some  of  the  Indian  balsas.  One  of  the  latter  ves- 
sels which  first  touched  the  shore  was  surrounded, 
and  three  persons  who  were  on  the  raft  were 
carried  off  by  the  natives  to  the  adjacent  woods 
and  there  massacred.  The  Indians  then  got  pos- 
session of  another  of  the  balsas,  containing  Pi- 
zarro's  wardrobe;  but,  as  the  men  who  defended 
it  raised  loud  cries  for  help,  they  reached  the  ears 
of  Hernando  Pizarro,  who,  with  a  small  body  of 
horse,  had  effected  a  landing  some  way  farther 
down  the  shore.  A  broad  tract  of  miry  ground, 
overflowed  at  high  water,  lay  between  him  and 
the  party  thus  rudely  assailed  by  the  natives.  The 
tide  was  out,  and  the  bottom  was  soft  and  danger- 
ous.    With  little  regard  to  the  danger,  however, 

64 


1532]    THE  SPANIARDS  LAND  AT  TUMBEZ      65 

the  bold  cavalier  spurred  his  horse  into  the  slimy 
depths,  and,  followed  by  his  men,  with  the  mud 
up  to  their  saddle-girths,  plunged  forward  into 
the  midst  of  the  marauders,  who,  terrified  by  the 
strange  apparition  of  the  horsemen,  fled  precipi- 
tately, without  show  of  fight,  to  the  neighboring 
forests. 

This  conduct  of  the  natives  of  Tumbez  is  not 
easy  to  be  explained,  considering  the  friendly  rela- 
tions maintained  with  the  Spaniards  on  their  pre- 
ceding visit,  and  lately  renewed  in  the  island  of 
Puna.  But  Pizarro  was  still  more  astonished,  on 
entering  their  town,  to  find  it  not  only  deserted, 
but,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  buildings,  entirely 
demolished.  Four  or  five  of  the  most  substantial 
private  dwellings,  the  great  temple,  and  the  fort- 
ress— and  these  greatly  damaged,  and  wholly  de- 
spoiled of  their  interior  decorations — alone  sur- 
vived to  mark  the  site  of  the  city  and  attest  its 
former  splendor.^  The  scene  of  desolation  filled 
the  conquerors  with  dismay;  for  even  the  raw 
recruits,  who  had  never  visited  the  coast  before, 
had  heard  the  marvellous  stories  of  the  golden 
treasures  of  Tumbez,  and  they  had  confidently 
looked  forward  to  them  as  an  easy  spoil  after  all 
their  fatigues.  But  the  gold  of  Peru  seemed  only 
like  a  deceitful  phantom,  which,  after  beckoning 
them  on  through  toil  and  danger,  vanished  the 
moment  they  attempted  to  grasp  it. 

^  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  185. — "  Aunque  lo 
del  templo  del  Sol  en  quien  ellos  adoran  era  cosa  de  ver,  porque 
tenain  grandes  edificios,  y  todo  el  por  de  dentro  y  de  fuera  pintado 
de  prandes  pinturas  y  ricos  matizes  de  colores,  porque  los  hay  en 
aquella  tierra."     Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 


56  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Pizarro  despatched  a  small  body  of  troops  in 
pursuit  of  the  fugitives;  and,  after  some  slight 
skirmishing,  they  got  possession  of  several  of  the 
natives,  and  among  them,  as  it  chanced,  the  curaca 
of  the  place.  When  brought  before  the  Spanish 
conmiander,  he  exonerated  himself  from  any  share 
in  the  violence  offered  to  the  white  men,  saying 
that  it  was  done  by  a  lawless  party  of  his  people, 
without  his  knowledge  at  the  time;  and  he  ex- 
pressed his  willingness  to  deliver  them  up  to  pun- 
ishment, if  they  could  be  detected.  He  explained 
the  dilapidated  condition  of  the  town  by  the  long 
wars  carried  on  with  the  fierce  tribes  of  Puna,  who 
had  at  length  succeeded  in  getting  possession  of 
the  place  and  driving  the  inhabitants  into  the 
neighboring  woods  and  mountains.  The  Inca,  to 
whose  cause  they  were  attached,  was  too  much 
occupied  with  his  own  feuds  to  protect  them 
against  their  enemies. 

Whether  Pizarro  gave  any  credit  to  the  ca- 
cique's exculpation  of  himself  may  be  doubted. 
He  dissembled  his  suspicions,  however,  and,  as  the 
Indian  lord  promised  obedience  in  his  own  name 
and  that  of  his  vassals,  the  Spanish  general  con- 
sented to  take  no  further  notice  of  the  affair.  He 
seems  now  to  have  felt  for  the  first  time,  in  its  full 
force,  that  it  was  his  policy  to  gain  the  good  will 
of  the  people  among  whom  he  had  thrown  himself 
in  the  face  of  such  tremendous  odds.  It  was,  per- 
haps, the  excesses  of  which  his  men  had  been  guilty 
in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  expedition  that  had 
shaken  the  confidence  of  the  people  of  Tumbez 
and  incited  them  to  this  treacherous  retaliation. 


1532]    piZARRO  RECONNOITRES  COUNTRY       57 

Pizarro  inquired  of  the  natives  who  now,  under 
promise  of  impunity,  came  into  the  camp,  what 
had  become  of  his  two  followers  that  remained 
with  them  in  the  former  expeditions.  The  answers 
they  gave  were  obscure  and  contradictory.  Some 
said  they  had  died  of  an  epidemic;  others,  that 
they  had  perished  in  the  war  with  Puna;  and 
others  intimated  that  they  had  lost  their  lives  in 
consequence  of  some  outrage  attempted  on  the 
Indian  women.  It  was  impossible  to  arrive  at  the 
truth.  The  last  account  was  not  the  least  prob- 
able. But,  whatever  might  be  the  cause,  there  was 
no  doubt  they  had  both  perished. 

This  intelligence  spread  an  additional  gloom 
over  the  Spaniards,  which  was  not  dispelled  by  the 
flaming  pictures  now  given  by  the  natives  of  the 
riches  of  the  land,  and  of  the  state  and  magnifi- 
cence of  the  monarch  in  his  distant  capital  among 
the  mountains.  Nor  did  they  credit  the  authen- 
ticity of  a  scroll  of  paper  which  Pizarro  had  ob- 
tained from  an  Indian  to  whom  it  had  been  de- 
livered by  one  of  the  white  men  left  in  the 
country.  "  Know,  whoever  you  may  be,"  said 
the  writing,  "  that  may  chance  to  set  foot  in  this 
country,  that  it  contains  more  gold  and  silver 
than  there  is  iron  in  Biscay."  This  paper,  when 
shown  to  his  soldiers,  excited  only  their  ridicule, 
as  a  device  of  their  captain  to  keep  alive  their 
chimerical  hopes. ^ 

*  For  the  account  of  the  transactions  in  Tumbez,  see  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3, 
lib.  8,  cap.  1. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  4,  lib.  9,  cap.  1,  2. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
torn.  iii.  p.  185. 


58  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Pizarro  now  saw  that  it  was  not  politic  to  pro- 
tract his  stay  in  his  present  quarters,  where  a  spirit 
of  disaffection  would  soon  creep  into  the  ranks  of 
his  followers  unless  their  spirits  were  stimulated 
by  novelty  or  a  Hfe  of  incessant  action.  Yet  he 
felt  deeply  anxious  to  obtain  more  particulars 
than  he  had  hitherto  gathered  of  the  actual  condi- 
tion of  the  Peruvian  empire,  of  its  strength  and 
resources,  of  the  monarch  who  ruled  over  it,  and 
of  his  present  situation.  He  was  also  desirous, 
before  taking  any  decisive  step  for  penetrating 
the  country,  to  seek  out  some  commodious  place 
for  a  settlement,  which  might  aiFord  him  the 
means  of  a  regular  communication  with  the  colo- 
nies, and  a  place  of  strength,  on  which  he  himself 
might  retreat  in  case  of  disaster. 

He  decided,  therefore,  to  leave  part  of  his  com- 
pany at  Tumbez,  including  those  who,  from  the 
state  of  their  health,  were  least  able  to  take  the 
field,  and  with  the  remainder  to  make  an  excur- 
sion into  the  interior  and  reconnoitre  the  land,  be- 
fore deciding  on  any  plan  of  operations.  He  set 
out  early  in  May,  1532,  and,  keeping  along  the 
more  level  regions  himself,  sent  a  small  detach- 
ment under  the  command  of  Hernando  de  Soto 
to  explore  the  skirts  of  the  vast  sierra. 

He  maintained  a  rigid  disciphne  on  the  march, 
commanding  his  soldiers  to  abstain  from  all  acts 
of  violence,  and  punishing  disobedience  in  the 
most  prompt  and  resolute  manner.^     The  natives 

' "  Mando  el  Gobernador  por  prepon  6  so  graves  penas  que  no  le 
fiiese  hecha  fuerza  ni  dcscortesia,  6  que  se  Ics  hiciese  muy  buen  trata- 
miento  por  los  Kspanolcs  6  sus  criados."  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  2. 


1532]    piZARRO  RECONNOITRES  COUNTRY       59 

rarely  offered  resistance.  When  they  did  so,  they 
were  soon  reduced,  and  Pizarro,  far  from  adopt- 
ing vindictive  measures,  was  open  to  the  first 
demonstrations  of  submission.  By  this  lenient 
and  liberal  poHcy  he  soon  acquired  a  name  among 
the  inhabitants  which  effaced  the  unfavorable  im- 
pressions made  of  him  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
campaign.  The  natives,  as  he  marched  through 
the  thick-settled  hamlets  which  sprinkled  the  level 
region  between  the  Cordilleras  and  the  ocean,  wel- 
comed him  with  rustic  hospitality,  providing  good 
quarters  for  his  troops,  and  abundant  supplies, 
which  cost  but  little  in  the  prolific  soil  of  the  tierra 
Calient e.  Everywhere  Pizarro  made  proclamation 
that  he  came  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Vicar  of 
God  and  of  the  sovereign  of  Spain,  requiring  the 
obedience  of  the  inhabitants  as  true  children  of  the 
Church  and  vassals  of  his  lord  and  master.  And, 
as  the  simple  people  made  no  opposition  to  a  for- 
mula of  which  they  could  not  comprehend  a  syl- 
lable, they  were  admitted  as  good  subjects  of  the 
crown  of  Castile,  and  their  act  of  homage — or 
what  was  readily  interpreted  as  such — was  duly 
recorded  and  attested  by  the  notary.^ 

At  the  expiration  of  some  three  or  four  weeks 

* "  E  mandabales  notificar  6  dar  d  entender  con  las  lenguas  el  re- 
querimiento  que  su  Magestad  manda  que  se  les  haga  d  los  Indios  para 
traellos  en  conocimiento  de  nuestra  Santa  fe  catolica,  y  requiriendo- 
les  con  la  paz,  e  que  obedezcan  d  la  Iglesia  Catolica  e  Apostolica  de 
Roma,  6  en  lo  temporal  den  la  obediencia  d  su  Magestad  6  a  los 
Reyes  sus  succesores  en  los  regnos  de  Castilla  i  de  Leon;  respondie- 
ron  qui  asi  lo  querian  6  harian,  guardarian  e  cumplirian  entera- 
mentc;  6  el  Gobernador  los  recibio  por  tales  vasallos  de  sus  Ma- 
gestades  por  auto  publico  de  notarios."  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  ubi  supra. 


60  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

spent  in  reconnoitring  the  country,  Pizarro  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  most  eligible  site  for  his 
new  settlement  was  in  the  rich  valley  of  Tanga- 
rala,  thirty  leagues  south  of  Tumbez,  traversed 
by  more  than  one  stream  that  opens  a  communi- 
cation with  the  ocean.  To  this  spot,  accordingly, 
he  ordered  the  men  left  at  Tumbez  to  repair  at 
once  in  their  vessels;  and  no  sooner  had  they 
arrived  than  busy  preparations  were  made  for 
building  up  the  town  in  a  manner  suited  to  the 
wants  of  the  colony.  Timber  was  procured  from 
the  neighboring  woods,  stones  were  dragged  from 
their  quarries,  and  edifices  gradually  rose,  some 
of  which  made  pretensions  to  strength,  if  not  to 
elegance.  Among  them  were  a  church,  a  maga- 
zine for  public  stores,  a  hall  of  justice,  and  a 
fortress.  A  municipal  government  was  organ- 
ized, consisting  of  regidores,  alcaldes,  and  the 
usual  civic  functionaries.  The  adjacent  territory 
was  parcelled  out  among  the  residents,  and  each 
colonist  had  a  certain  number  of  the  natives  al- 
lotted to  assist  him  in  his  labors ;  for,  as  Pizarro's 
secretary  remarks,  "  it  being  evident  that  the  colo- 
nists could  not  support  themselves  without  the 
services  of  the  Indians,  the  ecclesiastics  and  the 
leaders  of  the  expedition  all  agreed  that  a  reparti- 
miento  of  the  natives  would  serve  the  cause  of 
religion,  and  tend  greatly  to  their  spiritual  wel- 
fare, since  they  would  thus  have  the  opportunity 
of  being  initiated  in  the  true  faith."  ^ 

•  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 
— Ciez«i  (le  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  55. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub., 
MS. — "  Porque  los  Vecinos,  sin  aiuda  i  servicios  de  los  Naturales  no 


1532]        FOUNDATION  OF   SAN   MIGUEL  61 

Having  made  these  arrangements  with  such 
conscientious  regard  to  the  welfare  of  the  be- 
nighted heathen,  Pizarro  gave  his  infant  city  the 
name  of  San  Miguel,  in  acknowledgment  of  the 
service  rendered  him  by  that  saint  in  his  battles 
with  the  Indians  of  Puna.  The  site  originally 
occupied  by  the  settlement  was  afterwards  found 
to  be  so  unhealthy  that  it  was  abandoned  for 
another  on  the  banks  of  the  beautiful  Piura. 
The  town  is  still  of  some  note  for  its  manufac- 
tures, though  dwindled  from  its  ancient  impor- 
tance; but  the  name  of  San  Miguel  de  Piura, 
which  it  bears,  still  commemorates  the  foundation 
of  the  first  European  colony  in  the  empire  of  the 
Incas. 

Before  quitting  the  new  settlement,  Pizarro 
caused  the  gold  and  silver  ornaments  which  he 
had  obtained  in  different  parts  of  the  country 
to  be  melted  down  into  one  mass,  and  a  fifth  to 
be  deducted  for  the  crovm.  The  remainder,  which 
belonged  to  the  troops,  he  persuaded  them  to  re- 
linquish for  the  present,  under  the  assurance  of 
being  repaid  from  the  first  spoils  that  fell  into 
their  hands.®  With  these  funds,  and  other  articles 
collected  in  the  course  of  the  campaign,  he  sent 

se  podian  sostener,  ni  poblarse  el  Pueblo.  ...  A  esta  causa,  con 
acuerdo  de  el  Religioso,  i  de  los  Oficiales,  que  les  parecio  convenir  asi 
al  servicio  de  Dios,  i  bien  de  los  Naturales,  el  Gobernador  deposit6 
los  Caciques,  i  Indios  en  los  Vecinos  de  este  Pueblo,  porque  los 
aiudasen  a  sostener,  i  los  Christianos  los  doctrinasen  en  nuestra  Santa 
Fe,  conforme  a  los  Mandamientos  de  su  Magestad."  Xerez,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  187. 

° "  E  sacado  el  quinto  para  su  Magestad,  lo  restante  que  perteneci6 
al  Egercito  de  la  Conquista,  el  Gobernador  le  toni6  prestado  de  los 
companeros  par.i  se  lo  paga  del  primer  oro  que  se  obiese."  Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  2. 


62  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

back  the  vessels  to  Panama.  The  gold  was  ap- 
plied to  paying  off  the  ship-owners  and  those  who 
had  furnished  the  stores  for  the  expedition.  That 
he  should  so  easily  have  persuaded  his  men  to  re- 
sign present  possessions  for  a  future  contingency 
is  proof  that  the  spirit  of  enterprise  was  renewed 
in  their  bosoms  in  all  its  former  vigor,  and  that 
they  looked  forward  with  the  same  buoyant  con- 
fidence to  the  results. 

In  his  late  tour  of  observation  the  Spanish  com- 
mander had  gathered  much  important  intelligence 
in  regard  to  the  state  of  the  kingdom.  He  had 
ascertained  the  result  of  the  struggle  between  the 
Inca  brothers,  and  that  the  victor  now  lay  with 
his  army  encamped  at  the  distance  of  only  ten  or 
twelve  days'  journey  from  San  Miguel.  The 
accounts  he  heard  of  the  opulence  and  power  of 
that  monarch,  and  of  his  great  southern  capital, 
perfectly  corresponded  with  the  general  rumors 
before  received,  and  contained,  therefore,  some- 
thing to  stagger  the  confidence,  as  well  as  to 
stimulate  the  cupidity,  of  the  invaders. 

Pizarro  would  gladly  have  seen  his  little  army 
strengthened  by  reinforcements,  however  small 
the  amount,  and  on  that  account  postponed  his 
departure  for  several  weeks.  But  no  reinforce- 
ment arrived;  and,  as  he  received  no  further 
tidings  from  his  associates,  he  judged  that  longer 
delay  would  probably  be  attended  with  evils 
greater  than  those  to  be  encountered  on  the 
march;  tliat  discontents  would  inevitably  spring 
up  in  a  life  of  inaction,  and  the  strength  and 
spirits  of  tlie  soldier  sink  under  the  enervating 


1532]  MARCH  INTO  THE  INTERIOR  63 

influence  of  a  tropical  climate.  Yet  the  force  at 
his  command,  amounting  to  less  than  two  hundred 
soldiers  in  all,  after  reserving  fifty  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  new  settlement,  seemed  but  a  small 
one  for  the  conquest  of  an  empire.  He  might, 
indeed,  instead  of  marching  against  the  Inca,  take 
a  southerly  direction  towards  the  rich  capital  of 
Cuzco.  But  this  would  only  be  to  postpone  the 
hour  of  reckoning.  For  in  what  quarter  of  the 
empire  could  he  hope  to  set  his  foot,  where  the 
arm  of  its  master  would  not  reach  him?  By  such 
a  course,  moreover,  he  would  show  his  own  distrust 
of  himself.  He  would  shake  that  opinion  of  his 
invincible  prowess  which  he  had  hitherto  en- 
deavored to  impress  on  the  natives,  and  which 
constituted  a  great  secret  of  his  strength;  which, 
in  short,  held  sterner  sway  over  the  mind  than  the 
display  of  numbers  and  mere  physical  force. 
Worse  than  all,  such  a  course  would  impair  the 
confidence  of  his  troops  in  themselves  and  their 
reliance  on  himself.  This  would  be  to  palsy  the 
arm  of  enterprise  at  once.  It  was  not  to  be 
thought  of. 

But,  while  Pizarro  decided  to  march  into  the 
interior,  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  had  formed  any 
more  definite  plan  of  action.  We  have  no  means 
of  knowing  his  intentions,  at  this  distance  of  time, 
otherwise  than  as  they  are  shown  by  his  actions. 
Unfortunately,  he  could  not  write,  and  he  has  left 
no  record,  like  the  inestimable  Commentaries  of 
Cortes,  to  enlighten  us  as  to  his  motives.  His 
secretary,  and  some  of  his  companions  in  arms, 
have  recited  his  actions  in  detail;  but  the  motives 


64  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

which  led  to  them  they  were  not  always  so  com- 
petent to  disclose. 

It  is  possible  that  the  Spanish  general,  even  so 
early  as  the  period  of  his  residence  at  San  Miguel, 
may  have  meditated  some  daring  stroke,  some 
effective  coup-de-maiuy  which,  Uke  that  of  Cortes 
when  he  carried  off  the  Aztec  monarch  to  his 
quarters,  might  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
people  and  at  once  decide  the  fortunes  of  the  day. 
It  is  more  probable,  however,  that  he  now  only  pro- 
posed to  present  himself  before  the  Inca  as  the 
peaceful  representative  of  a  brother  monarch,  and 
by  these  friendly  demonstrations  disarm  any  feel- 
ing of  hostility,  or  even  of  suspicion.  When  once 
in  communication  with  the  Indian  prince,  he  could 
regulate  his  future  course  by  circumstances. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  1532,  five  months 
after  landing  at  Tumbez,  Pizarro  marched  out  at 
the  head  of  his  little  body  of  adventurers  from 
the  gates  of  San  Miguel,  having  enjoined  it  on 
the  colonists  to  treat  their  Indian  vassals  with  hu- 
manity and  to  conduct  themselves  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  would  secure  the  good  will  of  the  surround- 
ing tribes.  Their  own  existence,  and  with  it  the 
safety  of  the  army  and  the  success  of  the  under- 
taking, depended  on  this  course.  In  the  place 
were  to  remain  the  royal  treasurer,  the  veedor,  or 
inspector  of  metals,  and  other  officers  of  the 
crown;  and  the  command  of  the  garrison  was 
intrusted   to   the    contador,    Antonio    Navarro.^ 

^Xerez,  Conq.  del  Pern,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  187. — Pedro  Pi- 
zarro, Deseiil).  y  Conq.,  MS.^Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte 
3,  lib.  8,  cap.  10. 


1B32]        MARCH    INTO    THE    INTERIOR  66 

Then,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
the  chief  struck  boldly  into  the  heart  of  the  coun- 
try in  the  direction  where,  as  he  was  informed,  lay 
the  camp  of  the  Inca.  It  was  a  daring  enter- 
prise, thus  to  venture  with  a  handful  of  followers 
into  the  heart  of  a  powerful  empire,  to  present 
himself  face  to  face  before  the  Indian  monarch 
in  his  own  camp,  encompassed  by  the  flower  of  his 
victorious  army  I  Pizarro  had  already  experienced 
more  than  once  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  his 
ground  against  the  rude  tribes  of  the  north,  so 
much  inferior  in  strength  and  numbers  to  the  war- 
like legions  of  Peru.  But  the  hazard  of  the  game, 
as  I  have  already  more  than  once  had  occasion  to 
remark,  constituted  its  great  charm  with  the  Span- 
iard. The  brilliant  achievements  of  his  country- 
men, on  the  like  occasions,  with  means  so  inade- 
quate, inspired  him  with  confidence  in  his  own 
good  star,  and  this  confidence  was  one  source  of 
his  success.  Had  he  faltered  for  a  moment,  had 
he  stopped  to  calculate  chances,  he  must  inevitably 
have  failed;  for  the  odds  were  too  great  to  be 
combated  by  sober  reason.  They  were  only  to  be 
met  triumphantly  by  the  spirit  of  the  knight- 
errant. 

After  crossing  the  smooth  waters  of  the  Piura, 
the  little  army  continued  to  advance  over  a  level 
district  intersected  by  streams  that  descended 
from  the  neighboring  Cordilleras.  The  face  of 
the  country  was  shagged  over  with  forests  of 
gigantic  growth,  and  occasionally  traversed  by 
ridges  of  barren  land,  that  seemed  like  shoots  of 
the  adjacent  Andes,  breaking  up  the  surface  of 

Vol.  II.— 5 


G6  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  region  into  little  sequestered  valleys  of  singu- 
lar loveliness.  The  soil,  though  rarely  watered 
by  the  rains  of  heaven,  was  naturally  rich,  and 
wherever  it  was  refreshed  with  moisture,  as  on 
the  margins  of  the  streams,  it  was  enamelled  with 
the  brightest  verdure.  The  industry  of  the  in- 
habitants, moreover,  had  turned  these  streams  to 
the  best  account,  and  canals  and  aqueducts  were 
seen  crossing  the  low  lands  in  all  directions,  and 
spreading  over  the  country,  like  a  vast  net-work, 
diffusing  fertility  and  beauty  around  them.  The 
air  was  scented  with  the  sweet  odors  of  flowers, 
and  everywhere  the  eye  was  refreshed  by  the  sight 
of  orchards  laden  with  unknown  fruits,  and  of 
fields  waving  with  yellow  grain  and  rich  in  luscious 
vegetables  of  every  description  that  teem  in  the 
sunny  clime  of  the  equator.  The  Spaniards  were 
among  a  people  who  had  carried  the  refinements 
of  husbandry  to  a  greater  extent  than  any  yet 
found  on  the  American  continent;  and,  as  they 
journeyed  through  this  paradise  of  plenty,  their 
condition  formed  a  pleasing  contrast  to  what  they 
had  before  endured  in  the  dreary  wilderness  of 
the  mangroves. 

Everywhere,  too,  they  were  received  with  con- 
fiding hospitahty  by  the  simple  people;  for  whicli 
they  were  no  doubt  indebted,  in  a  great  measure, 
to  their  own  inoffensive  deportment.  Every 
Spaniard  seemed  to  be  aware  that  his  only  chancr 
of  success  lay  in  concihating  the  good  opinion  of 
the  inhabitants  among  whom  he  had  so  recklessly 
cast  his  fortunes.  In  most  of  the  hamlets,  and 
in  every  place  of  considerable  size,  some  fortress 


1532]        MARCH    INTO    THE    INTERIOR  67 

was  to  be  found,  or  royal  caravansary,  destined 
for  the  Inca  on  his  progresses,  the  ample  halls  of 
which  furnished  abundant  accommodations  for  the 
Spaniards ;  who  were  thus  provided  with  quarters 
along  their  route  at  the  charge  of  the  very  govern- 
ment which  they  were  preparing  to  overturn.* 

On  the  fifth  day  after  leaving  San  Miguel,  Pi- 
zarro  halted  in  one  of  these  delicious  valleys,  to 
give  his  troops  repose  and  to  make  a  more  com- 
plete inspection  of  them.  Their  number  amounted 
in  all  to  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven,  of  which 
sixty-seven  were  cavalry.  He  mustered  only  three 
arquebusiers  in  his  whole  company,  and  a  few 
crossbow-men,  altogether  not  exceeding  twenty.® 
The  troops  were  tolerably  well  equipped,  and  in 
good  condition.  But  the  watchful  eye  of  their 
conmiander  noticed  with  uneasiness  that,  notwith- 
standing the  general  heartiness  in  the  cause  mani- 
fested by  his  followers,  there  were  some  among 
them  whose  countenances  lowered  with  discontent, 
and  who,  although  they  did  not  give  vent  to  it  in 
open  murmurs,  were  far  from  moving  with  their 
wonted  alacrity.  He  was  aware  that  if  this  spirit 
became  contagious  it  would  be  the  ruin  of  the 
enterprise;  and  he  thought  it  best  to  exterminate 

*  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. — Naharro, 
Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Relacion  del 
primer  Descub.,  MS. 

•  There  is  less  discrepancy  in  the  estimate  of  the  Spanish  force 
here  than  usual.  The  paucity  of  numbers  gave  less  room  for  it.  No 
account  carries  them  as  high  as  two  hundred.  I  have  adopted  that 
of  the  secretary  Xeres  (Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  iii.  p.  187), 
who  has  been  followed  by  Oviedo  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3, 
lib.  1,  cap.  3)  and  by  the  judicious  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5, 
lib.  1,  cap.  2. 


68  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  gangrene  at  once,  and  at  whatever  cost,  than 
to  wait  until  it  had  infected  the  whole  system.  He 
came  to  an  extraordinary  resolution. 

Calling  his  men  together,  he  told  them  that  "  a 
crisis  had  now  arrived  in  their  affairs,  which  it 
demanded  all  their  courage  to  meet.  No  man 
should  think  of  going  forward  in  the  expedition 
who  could  not  do  so  with  his  whole  heart,  or  who 
had  the  least  misgiving  as  to  its  success.  If  any 
repented  of  his  share  in  it,  it  was  not  too  late  to 
turn  back.  San  Miguel  was  but  poorly  garri- 
soned, and  he  should  be  glad  to  see  it  in  greater 
strength.  Those  who  chose  might  return  to  this 
place,  and  they  should  be  entitled  to  the  same  pro- 
portion of  lands  and  Indian  vassals  as  the  present 
residents.  With  the  rest,  were  they  few  or  many, 
who  chose  to  take  their  chance  with  him,  he  should 
pursue  the  adventure  to  the  end."  ^^ 

It  was  certainly  a  remarkable  proposal  for  a 
commander  who  was  ignorant  of  the  amount  of 
disaffection  in  his  ranks,  and  who  could  not  safely 
spare  a  single  man  from  his  force,  already  far  too 
feeble  for  the  undertaking.  Yet,  by  insisting  on 
the  wants  of  the  little  colony  of  San  Miguel,  he 
afforded  a  decent  pretext  for  the  secession  of 
the  malecontents,  and  swept  away  the  barrier  of 
shame  which  might  have  still  held  them  in  the 

"  "  Que  todos  !os  que  quiriesen  bolverse  a  la  ciudad  de  San  Miguel 
y  avecindarse  alii  demas  de  los  vecinos  que  alii  quedaban  el  les  de- 
positaria  repartimientos  de  Indies  con  que  se  sostubiesen  como  lo 
habia  hecho  con  los  otros  vecinos;  ^  que  con  los  Espafioles  que  que- 
dasen,  pocos  6  muchos,  iria  d  conquistnr  (■  pacificar  la  tierra  en  de- 
manda  y  persecucion  del  camino  que  llevaba."  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  3. 


1632]         MARCH    INTO    THE    INTERIOR  69 

camp.  Notwithstanding  the  fair  opening  thus 
afforded,  there  were  but  few,  nine  in  all,  who 
availed  themselves  of  the  general's  permission. 
Four  of  these  belonged  to  the  infantry,  and  five 
to  the  horse.  The  rest  loudly  declared  their  re- 
solve to  go  forward  with  their  brave  leader;  and, 
if  there  were  some  whose  voices  were  faint  amidst 
the  general  acclamation,  they  at  least  relinquished 
the  right  of  complaining  hereafter,  since  they  had 
voluntarily  rejected  the  permission  to  return.^ ^ 
This  stroke  of  policy  in  their  sagacious  captain 
was  attended  with  the  best  effects.  He  had  win- 
nowed out  the  few  grains  of  discontent  which,  if 
left  to  themselves,  might  have  fermented  in  secret 
till  the  whole  mass  had  swelled  into  mutiny. 
Cortes  had  compelled  his  men  to  go  forward 
heartily  in  his  enterprise  by  burning  their  vessels 
and  thus  cutting  off  the  only  means  of  retreat. 
Pizarro,  on  the  other  hand,  threw  open  the  gates 
to  the  disaffected  and  facilitated  their  departure. 
Both  judged  right,  under  their  peculiar  circum- 
stances, and  both  were  perfectly  successful. 

Feeling  himself  strengthened,  instead  of  weak- 
ened, by  his  loss,  Pizarro  now  resumed  his  march, 
and  on  the  second  day  arrived  before  a  place  called 
Zaran,  situated  in  a  fruitful  valley  among  the 
mountains.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  had  been 
drawn  off  to  swell  the  levies  of  Atahuallpa.  The 
Spaniards  had  repeated  experience  on  their  march 
of  the  oppressive  exactions  of  the  Inca,  who  had 
almost  depopulated  some  of  the  valleys  to  obtain 

"  Ibid.,  MS.,  loc.  cit. — Herrera,  Hist,  general^  dec.  5,  lib.  1.  cap.  3. 
r-Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  187. 


70  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

reinforcements  for  his  army.  The  curaca  of  the 
Indian  town  where  Pizarro  now  arrived  received 
him  with  kindness  and  hospitahty,  and  the  troops 
were  quartered  as  usual  in  one  of  the  royal  tambos 
or  caravansaries,  which  were  found  in  all  the  prin- 
cipal places/^ 

Yet  the  Spaniards  saw  no  signs  of  their  ap- 
proach to  the  royal  encampment,  though  more 
time  had  already  elapsed  than  was  originally 
allowed  for  reaching  it.  Shortly  before  entering 
Zaran,  Pizarro  had  heard  that  a  Peruvian  garrison 
was  established  in  a  place  called  Caxas,  lying 
among  the  hills,  at  no  great  distance  from  his 
present  quarters.  He  immediately  despatched  a 
small  party  under  Hernando  de  Soto  in  that  direc- 
tion, to  reconnoitre  the  ground,  and  bring  him 
intelligence  of  the  actual  state  of  things,  at  Zaran, 
where  he  would  halt  until  his  officer's  return. 

Day  after  day  passed  on,  and  a  week  had 
elapsed  before  tidings  were  received  of  his  com- 
panions, and  Pizarro  was  becoming  seriously 
alarmed  for  their  fate,  when  on  the  eighth  morn- 
ing Soto  appeared,  bringing  with  him  an  envoy 
from  the  Inca  himself.  He  was  a  person  of  rank, 
and  was  attended  by  several  followers  of  inferior 
condition.  He  had  met  the  Spaniards  at  Caxas, 
and  now  accompanied  them  on  their  return,  to 
deliver  his  sovereign's  message,  with  a  present  to 
the  Spanish  commander.  The  present  consisted 
of  two  fountains,  made  of  stone,  in  the  form  of 
fortresses;  some  fine  stuffs  of  woollen  embroid- 
ered with  gold  and  silver;    and  a  quantity  of 

"Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


1632]  EMBASSY    FROM    THE    INCA  71 

goose-flesh,  dried  and  seasoned  in  a  peculiar  man- 
ner, and  much  used  as  a  perfume,  in  a  pulverized 
state,  by  the  Peruvian  nobles/^  The  Indian  am- 
bassador came  charged  also  with  his  master's 
greeting  to  the  strangers,  whom  Atahuallpa  wel- 
comed to  his  country  and  invited  to  visit  him  in 
his  camp  among  the  mountains/^ 

Pizarro  well  understood  that  the  Inca's  object 
in  this  diplomatic  visit  was  less  to  do  him  courtesy 
than  to  inform  himself  of  the  strength  and  con- 
dition of  the  invaders.  But  he  was  well  pleased 
with  the  embassy,  and  dissembled  his  conscious- 
ness of  its  real  purpose.  He  caused  the  Peruvian 
to  be  entertained  in  the  best  manner  the  camp 
could  afford,  and  paid  him  the  respect,  says  one 
of  the  Conquerors,  due  to  the  ambassador  of  so 
great  a  monarch.^  ^      Pizarro  urged  him  to  pro- 

"  "  Dos  Fortale9as,  a  manera  de  Fuente,  figuradas  en  Piedra,  con 
que  beba,  i  dos  cargas  de  Patos  secos,  desollados,  para  que  hechos 
polvos,  se  sahume  con  ellos,  porque  asi  se  usa  entre  los  Seiiores  de  su 
Tierra:  i  que  le  embiaba  k  decir,  que  hi  tiene  voluntad  de  ser  su 
Amigo,  i  esperalle  de  Paz  en  Caxamalca."  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iil.  p.  189. 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  3. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — 
Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  Hi.  p.  189. — Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega  tells  us  that  Atahuallpa's  envoy  addressed  the  Spanish  comman- 
der in  the  most  humble  and  deprecatory  manner,  as  Son  of  the  Sun 
and  of  the  great  God  Viracocha.  He  adds  that  he  was  loaded  with  a 
prodigious  present  of  all  kinds  of  game,  living  and  dead,  gold  and 
silver  vases,  emeralds,  turquoises,  etc.,  etc.,  enough  to  furnish  out  the 
finest  chapter  of  the  Araljian  Nights.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  1, 
cap.  19.)  It  is  extraordinary  that  none  of  the  Conquerors,  who  had 
a  quick  eye  for  these  dainties,  should  allude  to  them.  One  cannot 
but  suspect  that  the  "  old  uncle  "  was  amusing  himself  at  his  young 
nephew's  expense, — and,  as  it  has  proved,  at  the  expense  of  most  of 
his  readers,  who  receive  the  Inca's  fairy-tales  as  historic  facts. 

"  "  I  mand5,  que  le  diesen  de  comer  a  el,  i  ^  los  que  con  el  venian, 
i  todo  lo  que  huviesen  menester,  i   fuesen  bien  aposentados,  como 


72  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

long  his  visit  for  some  days,  which  the  Indian 
envoy  declined,  but  made  the  most  of  his  time 
while  there,  by  gleaning  all  the  information  he 
could  in  respect  to  the  use  of  every  strange  article 
which  he  saw,  as  well  as  the  object  of  the  white 
men's  visit  to  the  land,  and  the  quarter  whence 
they  came. 

The  Spanish  captain  satisfied  his  curiosity  in  all 
these  particulars.  The  intercourse  with  the  na- 
tives, it  may  be  here  remarked,  was  maintained  by 
means  of  two  of  the  youths  who  had  accompanied 
the  Conquerors  on  their  return  home  from  their 
preceding  voyage.  They  had  been  taken  by  Pi- 
zarro  to  Spain,  and,  as  much  pains  had  been  be- 
stowed on  teaching  them  the  Castilian,  they  now 
filled  the  office  of  interpreters  and  opened  an  easy 
communication  with  their  countrymen.  It  was  of 
inestimable  service;  and  well  did  the  Spanish 
commander  reap  the  fruits  of  his  forecast.^® 

On  the  departure  of  the  Peruvian  messenger, 
Pizarro  presented  him  with  a  cap  of  crimson  cloth, 
some  cheap  but  showy  ornaments  of  glass,  and 
other  toys,  which  he  had  brought  for  the  purpose 
from  Castile.  He  charged  the  envoy  to  tell  his 
master  that  the  Spaniards  came  from  a  powerful 

Embaj  adores  de  tan  Gran  Sefior."  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
torn.  iii.  p.  189. 

"  "  Los  Indios  de  la  tierra  se  entendian  muy  bien  con  los  Espafioles, 
porque  aquellos  mochachos  Indios  que  en  el  descubrimiento  de  la 
tierra  Pizarro  truxo  d  Espafla,  entendian  muy  bien  nuestra  lenpua,  y 
los  tenia  alii,  con  los  cuales  se  entendia  muy  bien  con  todos  los  natu- 
rales  de  la  tierra."  (ReLicion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS.)  Yet  it  is  a 
proof  of  the  ludicrotis  blunders  into  which  the  Conquerors  were  per- 
petually fallinp,  that  Pizarro's  secretary  constantly  confounds  the 
Inca's  name  with  that  of  his  capital.  Hnayna  Capac  he  always  styles 
"  old  Cuzco,"  and  his  son  Huascar  "  young  Cuzco." 


1532]       ADVENTURES    ON    THE    MARCH  73 

prince  who  dwelt  far  beyond  the  waters ;  that  they 
had  heard  much  of  the  fame  of  Atahuallpa's  vic- 
tories, and  were  come  to  pay  their  respects  to  him, 
and  to  oiFer  their  services  by  aiding  him  with  their 
arms  against  his  enemies ;  and  he  might  be  assured 
they  would  not  halt  on  the  road  longer  than  was 
necessary,  before  presenting  themselves  before 
him. 

Pizarro  now  received  from  Soto  a  full  account 
of  his  late  expedition.  That  chief,  on  entering 
Caxas,  found  the  inhabitants  mustered  in  hostile 
array,  as  if  to  dispute  his  passage.  But  the  cava- 
lier soon  convinced  them  of  his  pacific  intentions, 
and,  laying  aside  their  menacing  attitude,  they 
received  the  Spaniards  with  the  same  courtesy 
which  had  been  shown  them  in  most  places  on 
their  march. 

Here  Soto  found  one  of  the  royal  officers,  em- 
ployed in  collecting  the  tribute  for  the  govern- 
ment. From  this  functionary  he  learned  that  the 
Inca  was  quartered  with  a  large  army  at  Caxa- 
malca,  a  place  of  considerable  size  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Cordillera,  where  he  was  enjoying  the 
luxury  of  the  warm  baths,  supplied  by  natural 
springs,  for  which  it  was  then  famous,  as  it  is  at 
the  present  day.  The  cavalier  gathered,  also, 
much  important  information  in  regard  to  the 
resources  and  the  general  policy  of  government, 
the  state  maintained  by  the  Inca,  and  the  stern 
severity  with  which  obedience  to  the  law  was 
everywhere  enforced.  He  had  some  opportunity 
of  observing  this  for  himself,  as,  on  entering  the 
village,  he  saw  several  Indians  hanging  dead  by 


74  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

their  heels,  havmg  been  executed  for  some  violence 
offered  to  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  of  whom  there 
was  a  convent  in  the  neighborhood.^^ 

From  Caxas,  De  Soto  had  passed  to  the  adja- 
cent town  of  Guancabamba,  much  larger,  more 
populous,  and  better  built  than  the  preceding. 
The  houses,  instead  of  being  made  of  clay  baked 
in  the  sun,  were  many  of  them  constructed  of  solid 
stone,  so  nicely  put  together  that  it  was  impossible 
to  detect  the  line  of  junction.  A  river  which 
passed  through  the  town  was  traversed  by  a 
bridge,  and  the  high-road  of  the  Incas  which 
crossed  this  district  was  far  superior  to  that 
which  the  Spaniards  had  seen  on  the  sea-board. 
It  was  raised  in  many  places,  like  a  causeway, 
paved  with  heavy  stone  flags,  and  bordered  by 
trees  that  afforded  a  grateful  shade  to  the  pas- 
senger, while  streams  of  water  were  conducted 
through  aqueducts  along  the  sides  to  slake  his 
thirst.  At  certain  distances,  also,  they  noticed 
small  houses,  which,  they  were  told,  were  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  traveller,  who  might  thus 
pass  without  inconvenience  from  one  end  of  the 
kingdom  to  the  other.^*  In  another  quarter  they 
beheld  one  of  those  magazines  destined  for  the 
army,   filled   with    grain   and   with    articles   of 

"  "  A  la  entrada  del  Pueblo  havia  ciertos  Indies  ahorcados  de  los 
pies:  i  supo  de  este  Principal,  que  Atabalipa  los  niand5  niatar,  por- 
que  uno  de  ellos  entr6  en  la  Casa  de  las  Muperes  a  dormir  con  una: 
al  qual,  i  k  todos  los  Porteros  que  consintieron,  ahorc6."  Xerez,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  toni.  iii.  p.  188. 

"  "  Van  por  este  caniino  cafios  de  apua  de  donde  los  caminantes 
heiien,  traidos  de  sus  njicimientos  de  otras  partes,  y  A  cada  Jornada 
una  Casa  &  manera  de  Venta  donde  se  aposentan  los  que  van  6 
vienen."    Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  3. 


1532J       ADVENTURES    ON    THE    MARCH  75 

clothing;  and  at  the  entrance  of  the  town  was 
a  stone  building,  occupied  by  a  public  officer, 
whose  business  it  was  to  collect  the  tolls  or  duties 
on  various  commodities  brought  into  the  place  or 
carried  out  of  it/®  These  accounts  of  De  Soto 
not  only  confirmed  all  that  the  Spaniards  had 
heard  of  the  Indian  empire,  but  greatly  raised 
their  ideas  of  its  resources  and  domestic  policy. 
They  might  well  have  shaken  the  confidence  of 
hearts  less  courageous. 

Pizarro,  before  leaving  his  present  quarters,  de- 
spatched a  messenger  to  San  Miguel  with  par- 
ticulars of  his  movements,  sending  at  the  same 
time  the  articles  received  from  the  Inca,  as  well 
as  those  obtained  at  different  places  on  the  route. 
The  skill  shown  in  the  execution  of  some  of  these 
fabrics  sent  to  Castile  excited  great  admiration 
there.  The  fine  woollen  cloths,  especially,  with 
their  rich  embroidery,  were  pronounced  equal  to 
textures  of  silk,  from  which  it  was  not  easy  to 
distinguish  them.  The  material  was  probably  the 
delicate  wool  of  the  vicuna,  none  of  which  had  then 
been  seen  in  Europe.^" 

Pizarro,  having  now  acquainted  himself  w^th 
the  most  direct  route  to  Caxamalca, — the  Caxa- 

""A  la  entrada  de  este  Camino  en  el  Pueblo  de  Cajas  esta  una 
casa  al  principio  de  una  puente  donde  reside  una  guarda  que  recibe 
el  Portazgo  de  todos  los  que  van  e  vienen,  e  paganlo  en  la  misma  cosa 
que  llevan,  y  ninguno  puede  sacar  carga  del  Pueblo  sino  la  mete,  y 
esta  costumbre  es  alii  antigua."  Oviedo,  Hist  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
ubi  supra. 

™  "  Piezas  de  lana  de  la  tierra,  que  era  cosa  mucho  de  ver  segun  su 
primer  e  gentileza,  e  no  se  sabian  determinar  si  era  seda  6  lana  segun 
su  fineza  con  muchas  labores  i  figuras  de  oro  de  martillo  de  tal  ma- 
nera  asentado  en  la  ropa  que  era  cosa  de  marabillar."  Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. 


76  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

marca  of  the  present  day,* — resumed  his  march, 
taking  a  direction  nearly  south.  The  first  place 
of  any  size  at  which  he  halted  was  Motupe,  pleas- 
antly situated  in  a  fruitful  valley,  among  hills  of 
no  great  elevation,  which  cluster  round  the  base 
of  the  Cordilleras.  The  place  was  deserted  by  its 
curaca,  who,  with  three  hundred  of  its  warriors, 
had  gone  to  join  the  standard  of  their  Inca.  Here 
the  general,  notwithstanding  his  avowed  purpose 
to  push  forward  without  delay,  halted  four  days. 
The  tardiness  of  his  movements  can  be  explained 
only  by  the  hope  which  he  may  still  have  enter- 
tained of  being  joined  by  further  reinforcements 
before  crossing  the  Cordilleras.  None  such  ap- 
peared, however ;  and,  advancing  across  a  country 
in  which  tracts  of  sandy  plain  were  occasionally 
relieved  by  a  broad  expanse  of  verdant  meadow, 
watered  by  natural  streams  and  still  more  abun- 
dantly by  those  brought  through  artificial  chan- 
nels, the  troops  at  length  arrived  at  the  borders 
of  a  river.  It  was  broad  and  deep,  and  the 
rapidity  of  the  current  opposed  more  than  ordi- 
nary difficulty  to  the  passage.  Pizarro,  appre- 
hensive lest  this  might  be  disputed  by  the  natives 
on  the  opposite  bank,  ordered  his  brother  Her- 
nando to  cross  over  with  a  small  detachment  under 
cover  of  night  and  secure  a  safe  landing  for  the 
rest  of  the  troops.  At  break  of  day  Pizarro  made 
preparations  for  his  own  passage,  by  hewing  tim- 

*  [The  letter  I,  except  in  the  combination  7t  or  //,  which  is  equiva- 
lent to  the  Italian  yl,  is  scarcely  found  in  the  Quichua — according  to 
Tschudi,  only  in  the  word  lampa,  a  hoe.  The  Spaniards  supplied  the 
omission  by  changing  r  to  /  in  several  names,  as  Lima  for  Rimac. 
-K.] 


1532]       ADVENTURES    ON    THE    MARCH  77 

ber  in  the  neighboring  woods  and  constructing  a 
sort  of  floating  bridge,  on  which  before  nightfall 
the  whole  company  passed  in  safety,  the  horses 
swimming,  being  led  by  the  bridle.  It  was  a  day 
of  severe  labor,  and  Pizarro  took  his  own  share 
in  it  freely,  like  a  conmion  soldier,  having  ever  a 
word  of  encouragement  to  say  to  his  followers. 

On  reaching  the  opposite  side,  they  learned 
from  their  comrades  that  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try, instead  of  offering  resistance,  had  fled  in  dis- 
may. One  of  them,  having  been  taken  and  brought 
before  Hernando  Pizarro,  refused  to  answer  the 
questions  put  to  him  respecting  the  Inca  and  his 
army ;  till,  being  put  to  the  torture,  he  stated  that 
Atahuallpa  was  encamped,  with  his  whole  force, 
in  three  separate  divisions,  occupying  the  high 
grounds  and  plains  of  Caxamalca.  He  further 
stated  that  the  Inca  was  aware  of  the  approach 
of  the  white  men  and  of  their  small  number,  and 
that  he  was  purposely  decoying  them  into  his  own 
quarters,  that  he  might  have  them  more  completely 
in  his  power. 

This  account,  when  reported  by  Hernando  to 
his  brother,  caused  the  latter  much  anxiety.  As 
the  timidity  of  the  peasantry,  however,  gradually 
wore  off*,  some  of  them  mingled  with  the  troops, 
and  among  them  the  curaca  or  principal  person 
of  the  village.  He  had  himself  visited  the  royal 
camp,  and  he  informed  the  general  that  Atahu- 
allpa lay  at  the  strong  town  of  Huamachuco, 
twenty  leagues  or  more  south  of  Caxamalca,  with 
an  army  of  at  least  fifty  thousand  men. 

These   contradictory   statements    greatly   per- 


78  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

plexed  the  chieftain;  and  he  proposed  to  one  of 
the  Indians  who  had  borne  him  company  during 
a  great  part  of  the  march,  to  go  as  a  spy  into  the 
Inca's  quarters  and  bring  him  intelhgence  of  his 
actual  position,  and,  as  far  as  he  could  learn  them, 
of  his  intentions  towards  the  Spaniards.  But  the 
man  positively  declined  this  dangerous  service, 
though  he  professed  his  willingness  to  go  as  an 
authorized  messenger  of  the  Spanish  commander. 

Pizarro  acquiesced  in  this  proposal,  and  in- 
structed his  envoy  to  assure  the  Inca  that  he  was 
advancing  with  all  convenient  speed  to  meet  him. 
He  was  to  acquaint  the  monarch  with  the  uni- 
formly considerate  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  to- 
wards his  subjects  in  their  progress  through  the 
land,  and  to  assure  him  that  they  were  now  coming 
in  full  confidence  of  finding  in  him  the  same  ami- 
cable feelings  towards  themselves.  The  emissary 
was  practically  instructed  to  observe  if  the  strong 
passes  on  the  road  were  defended,  or  if  any  prep- 
arations of  a  hostile  character  were  to  be  discerned. 
This  last  intelligence  he  was  to  communicate  to 
the  general  by  means  of  two  or  three  nimble- 
footed  attendants  who  were  to  accompany  him  on 
his  mission.^^ 

Having  taken  this  precaution,  the  wary  com- 
mander again  resumed  his  march,  and  at  the  end 
of  three  days  reached  the  base  of  the  mountain- 
rampart  behind  which  lay  the  ancient  town  of 
Caxamalca.      Before    him    rose    the    stupendous 

"  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. — Conq.  i 
Pol),  del  Piru,  MS. — Relacioii  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p  190. 


1532]       ADVENTURES    ON    THE    MARCH  79 

Andes,  rock  piled  upon  rock,  their  skirts  below 
dark  with  evergreen  forests,  varied  here  and  there 
by  terraced  patches  of  cultivated  garden,  with 
the  peasant's  cottage  clinging  to  their  shaggy 
sides,  and  their  crests  of  snow  glittering  high  in 
the  heavens, — presenting  altogether  such  a  wild 
chaos  of  magnificence  and  beauty  as  no  other 
mountain-scenery  in  the  world  can  show.  Across 
this  tremendous  rampart,  through  a  labyrinth  of 
passes,  easily  capable  of  defence  by  a  handful  of 
men  against  an  army,  the  troops  were  now  to 
march.  To  the  right  ran  a  broad  and  level  road, 
with  its  border  of  friendly  shades,  and  wide 
enough  for  two  carriages  to  pass  abreast.  It  was 
one  of  the  great  routes  leading  to  Cuzco,  and 
seemed  by  its  pleasant  and  easy  access  to  invite  the 
wayworn  soldier  to  choose  it  in  preference  to  the 
dangerous  mountain-defiles.  Many  were  accord- 
ingly of  opinion  that  the  army  should  take  this 
course  and  abandon  the  original  destination  to 
Caxamalca.  But  such  was  not  the  decision  of 
Pizarro. 

The  Spaniards  had  everywhere  proclaimed  their 
purpose,  he  said,  to  visit  the  Inca  in  his  camp. 
This  purpose  had  been  communicated  to  the  Inca 
himself.  To  take  an  opposite  direction  now  would 
only  be  to  draw  on  them  the  imputation  of  cow- 
ardice, and  to  incur  Atahuallpa's  contempt.  Xo 
alternative  remained  but  to  march  straight  across 
the  sierra  to  his  quarters.  "  Let  every  one  of 
you,"  said  the  bold  cavalier,  "  take  heart  and  go 
forward  like  a  good  soldier,  nothing  daunted  by 
the  smallness  of  your  numbers.    For  in  the  great- 


80  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

est  extremity  God  ever  fights  for  his  own;  and 
doubt  not  he  will  humble  the  pride  of  the  heathen, 
and  bring  him  to  the  knowledge  of  the  true  faith, 
the  great  end  and  object  of  the  Conquest."  ^^ 

Pizarro,  like  Cortes,  possessed  a  good  share  of 
that  frank  and  manly  eloquence  which  touches  the 
heart  of  the  soldier  more  than  the  parade  of  rhet- 
oric or  the  finest  flow  of  elocuation.  He  was  a 
soldier  himself,  and  partook  in  all  the  feelings  of 
the  soldier,  his  joys,  his  hopes,  and  his  disappoint- 
ments. He  was  not  raised  by  rank  and  education 
above  sympathy  with  the  humblest  of  his  follow- 
ers. Every  chord  in  their  bosoms  vibrated  with 
the  same  pulsations  as  his  own,  and  the  conviction 
of  this  gave  him  a  mastery  over  them.  "  Lead 
on,"  they  shouted,  as  he  finished  his  brief  but  ani- 
mating address,  "  lead  on  wherever  you  think  best. 
We  will  follow  with  good  will,  and  you  shall  see 
that  we  can  do  our  duty  in  the  cause  of  God  and 
the  King! "  ^^  There  was  no  longer  hesitation. 
All  thoughts  were  now  bent  on  the  instant  passage 
of  the  Cordilleras. 

"  "  Que  todos  se  animasen  y  esforzasen  a  hacer  como  de  ellos  es- 
peraba  y  como  buenos  espafioles  lo  suelen  hacer,  6  que  no  les  pusiese 
temor  la  multitud  que  se  decia  que  habia  de  gente  ni  el  poco  numero 
de  los  cristianos,  que  aunque  menos  fuesen  €  mayor  el  egercito  con- 
trario,  la  ayuda  de  Dios  es  mucho  mayor,  y  en  las  mayores  necesi- 
dades  socorre  y  faborece  a  los  suyos  para  desbaratar  y  aba  jar  la 
soberbia  de  los  infieles  b  traerlos  en  conocimiento  de  nuestra  S^^  fe 
catolica."    Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. 

° "  Todos  digeron  que  fuese  por  el  Camino  que  quisiese  i  viese 
que  mas  convenia,  que  todos  le  seguirian  con  buena  voluntad  ^  obra 
al  tiempo  del  efecto,  y  veria  lo  que  cada  uno  de  ellos  baria  en  servicio 
de  Dios  i.  de  su  Magestad."    Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  loc.  cit. 


CHAPTER   IV 

SEVERE   PASSAGE   OF  THE  ANDES — EMBASSHES  FROM 

ATAHUALLPA THE    SPANIARDS    REACH     CAXA- 

MALCA EMBASSY    TO   THE    INCA INTERVIEAV 

WITH       THE      INCA  —  DESPONDENCY      OF      THE 
SPANIARDS 

1532 

THAT  night  Pizarro  held  a  council  of  his 
principal  officers,  and  it  was  determined  that 
he  should  lead  the  advance,  consisting  of  forty 
horse  and  sixty  foot,  and  reconnoitre  the  ground; 
while  the  rest  of  the  company,  under  his  brother 
Hernando,  should  occupy  their  present  position 
till  they  received  further  orders. 

At  early  dawn  the  Spanish  general  and  his  de- 
tachment were  under  arms  and  prepared  to  breast 
the  difficulties  of  the  sierra.  These  proved  even 
greater  than  had  been  foreseen.  The  path  had 
been  conducted  in  the  most  judicious  manner 
round  the  rugged  and  precipitous  sides  of  the 
mountains,  so  as  best  to  avoid  the  natural  impedi- 
ments presented  by  the  ground.  But  it  was  neces- 
sarily so  steep,  in  many  places,  that  the  cavalry 
were  obliged  to  dismount,  and,  scrambling  up  as 
they  could,  to  lead  their  horses  by  the  bridles.  In 
many  places,  too,  where  some  huge  crag  or  emi- 
nence overhung  the  road,  this  was  driven  to  the 
very  verge  of  the  precipice ;  and  the  traveller  was 

Vol,.  II.— 6  81 


82  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

compelled  to  wind  along  the  narrow  ledge  of  rock, 
scarcely  wide  enough  for  his  single  steed,  where 
a  misstep  would  precipitate  him  hundreds,  nay, 
thousands  of  feet  into  the  dreadful  abyss!  The 
wild  passes  of  the  sierra,  practicable  for  the  half- 
naked  Indian,  and  even  for  the  sure  and  circum- 
spect mule, — an  animal  that  seems  to  have  been 
created  for  the  roads  of  the  Cordilleras, — were 
formidable  to  the  man-at-arms  encumbered  with 
his  panoply  of  mail.  The  tremendous  fissures  or 
quebradaSy  so  frightful  in  this  mountain-chain, 
yawned  open,  as  if  the  Andes  had  been  split 
asunder  by  some  terrible  convulsion,  showing  a 
broad  expanse  of  the  primitive  rock  on  their  sides, 
partially  mantled  over  with  the  spontaneous  vege- 
tation of  ages;  while  their  obscure  depths  fur- 
nished a  channel  for  the  torrents,  that,  rising  in 
the  heart  of  the  sierra,  worked  their  way  gradu- 
ally into  light  and  spread  over  the  savannas  and 
green  valleys  of  the  tierra  caliente  on  their  way 
to  the  great  ocean. 

Many  of  these  passes  afforded  obvious  points 
of  defence;  and  the  Spaniards,  as  they  entered 
the  rocky  defiles,  looked  with  apprehension  lest 
they  might  rouse  some  foe  from  his  ambush.  This 
apprehension  was  heightened  as,  at  the  summit  of 
a  steep  and  narrow  gorge,  in  which  they  were  en- 
gaged, they  beheld  a  strong  work,  rising  like  a 
fortress,  and  frowning,  as  it  were,  in  gloomy  de- 
fiance on  the  invaders.  As  they  drew  near  this 
building,  which  was  of  solid  stone,  commanding 
an  angle  of  the  road,  they  almost  expected  to  see 
the  dusky  forms  of  the  warriors  rise  over  the  bat- 


1532]    SEVERE    PASSAGE    OF    THE    ANDES     83 

tlements,  and  to  receive  their  tempest  of  missiles 
on  their  bucklers;  for  it  was  in  so  strong  a  posi- 
tion that  a  few  resolute  men  might  easily  have  held 
there  an  army  at  bay.  But  they  had  the  satisfac- 
tion to  find  the  place  untenanted,  and  their  spirits 
were  greatly  raised  by  the  conviction  that  the 
Indian  monarch  did  not  intend  to  dispute  their 
passage,  when  it  would  have  been  easy  to  do  so 
with  success. 

Pizarro  now  sent  orders  to  his  brother  to  follow 
without  delay,  and,  after  refreshing  his  men,  con- 
tinued his  toilsome  ascent,  and  before  nightfall 
reached  an  eminence  crowned  by  another  fortress, 
of  even  greater  strength  than  the  preceding.  It 
was  built  of  solid  masonry,  the  lower  part  exca- 
vated from  the  living  rock,  and  the  whole  work 
executed  with  skill  not  inferior  to  that  of  the 
European  architect.^ 

Here  Pizarro  took  up  his  quarters  for  the  night. 
Without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  rear,  on  the 
following  morning,  he  resumed  his  march,  leading 
still  deeper  into  the  intricate  gorges  of  the  sierra. 
The  climate  had  gradually  changed,  and  the  men 
and  horses,  especially  the  latter,  suffered  severely 
from  the  cold,  so  long  accustomed  as  they  had  been 
to  the  sultry  climate  of  the  tropics.^  The  vegeta- 
tion also  had  changed  its  character ;  and  the  mag- 

^  "  Tan  ancha  la  Cerca  como  qualquier  Fortale^a  de  Espafia,  con  siis 
Puertas:  que  si  en  esta  Tierra  oviese  los  Maestros,  i  Herramientas  de 
Espana,  no  pudiera  ser  major  labrada  la  Cerca."  Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  192. 

^ "  Es  tanto  el  frio  que  hace  en  esta  Sierra,  que  como  los  Caballos 
venian  hechos  al  calor,  que  en  los  Valles  hacia,  algunos  de  ellos  se 
resfriaron."    Ibid.,  p.  191. 


84  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

nificent  timber  which  covered  the  lower  level  of  the 
country  had  gradually  given  way  to  the  funereal 
forest  of  pine,  and,  as  they  rose  still  higher,  to 
the  stunted  growi;h  of  numberless  Alpine  plants, 
whose  hardy  natures  found  a  congenial  tempera- 
ture in  the  icy  atmosphere  of  the  more  elevated 
regions.  These  dreary  solitudes  seemed  to  be 
nearly  abandoned  by  the  brute  creation  as  well 
as  by  man.  The  light-footed  vicuna,  roaming  in 
its  native  state,  might  be  sometimes  seen  looking 
down  from  some  airy  cliiF,  where  the  foot  of  the 
hunter  dared  not  venture.  But  instead  of  the 
feathered  tribes  whose  gay  plumage  sparkled  in 
the  deep  glooms  of  the  tropical  forests,  the  adven- 
turers now  beheld  only  the  great  bird  of  the 
Andes,  the  loathsome  condor,  which,  sailing  high 
above  the  clouds,  followed  with  doleful  cries  in  the 
track  of  the  army,  as  if  guided  by  instinct  in  the 
path  of  blood  and  carnage. 

At  length  they  reached  the  crest  of  the  Cordil- 
lera, where  it  spreads  out  into  a  bold  and  bleak 
expanse,  with  scarcely  a  vestige  of  vegetation,  ex- 
cept what  is  afforded  by  the  'pajonal,  a  dried 
yellow  grass,  which,  as  it  is  seen  from  below,  en- 
circling the  base  of  the  snow-covered  peaks,  looks, 
with  its  brilliant  straw-color  lighted  up  in  the  rays 
of  an  ardent  sun,  like  a  setting  of  gold  round  pin- 
nacles of  burnished  silver.  The  land  was  sterile, 
as  usual  in  mining-districts,  and  they  were  draw- 
ing near  the  once  famous  gold-quarries  on  the  way 
to  Caxamalca: 

"  Rocks  rich  in  gems,  nnd  mountains  big  vvitii  mines, 
That  on  the  liigii  equator  ridgy  rise." 


1632]      EMBASSIES    FROM    ATAHUALLPA         85 

Here  Pizarro  halted  for  the  coming  up  of  the 
rear.  The  air  was  sharp  and  frosty;  and  the 
soldiers,  spreading  their  tents,  lighted  fires,  and, 
huddling  round  them,  endeavored  to  find  some  re- 
pose after  their  laborious  march.^ 

They  had  not  been  long  in  these  quarters,  when 
a  messenger  arrived,  one  of  those  who  had  accom- 
panied the  Indian  envoy  sent  by  Pizarro  to  Ata- 
huallpa.  He  informed  the  general  that  the  road 
was  free  from  enemies,  and  that  an  embassy  from 
the  Inca  was  on  its  way  to  the  Castilian  camp. 
Pizarro  now  sent  back  to  quicken  the  march  of 
the  rear,  as  he  was  unwilling  that  the  Peruvian 
envoy  should  find  him  with  his  present  diminished 
numbers.  The  rest  of  the  army  were  not  far  dis- 
tant, and  not  long  after  reached  the  encampment. 

In  a  short  time  the  Indian  embassy  also  arrived, 
which  consisted  of  one  of  the  Inca  nobles  and  sev- 
eral attendants,  bringing  a  welcome  present  of 
llamas  to  the  Spanish  commander.  The  Peru- 
vian bore,  also,  the  greetings  of  his  master,  who 
wished  to  know  when  the  Spaniards  would  arrive 
at  Caxamalca,  that  he  might  provide  suitable  re- 
freshments for  them.  Pizarro  learned  that  the 
Inca  had  left  Huamachuco,  and  was  now  lying 
with  a  small  force  in  the  neighborhood  of  Caxa- 
malca, at  a  place  celebrated  for  its  natural  springs 

' "  fi  aposentaronse  los  Espanoles  en  sus  toldos  6  pabellones  de 
algodon  de  la  tierra  que  Uevaban,  e  haciendo  fuegos  para  defenderse 
del  mucho  frio  que  en  aquella  Sierra  hacen,  porque  sin  ellos  no  se 
pudieron  valer  sin  padecer  mucho  trabajo;  y  segun  a  los  cristianos  les 
parecid,  y  aun  como  era  lo  cierto,  no  podia  haber  mas  frio  en  parte  de 
Espafia  en  invierno."  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib. 
8,  cap.  4. 


86  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

of  warm  water.  The  Peruvian  was  an  intelligent 
person,  and  the  Spanish  commander  gathered 
from  him  many  particulars  respecting  the  late 
contests  which  had  distracted  the  empire. 

As  the  envoy  vaunted  in  lofty  terms  the  mili- 
tary prowess  and  resources  of  his  sovereign,  Pi- 
zarro  thought  it  politic  to  show  that  it  had  no 
power  to  overawe  him.  He  expressed  his  satisfac- 
tion at  the  triumphs  of  Atahuallpa,  who,  he 
acknowledged,  had  raised  himself  high  in  the 
rank  of  Indian  warriors.  But  he  was  as  inferior, 
he  added  with  more  policy  than  politeness,  to  the 
monarch  who  ruled  over  the  white  men,  as  the 
petty  curacas  of  the  country  were  inferior  to  him. 
This  was  evident  from  the  ease  with  which  a  few 
Spaniards  had  overrun  this  great  continent,  sub- 
duing one  nation  after  another  that  had  offered 
resistance  to  their  arms.  He  had  been  led  by  the 
fame  of  Atahuallpa  to  visit  his  dominions  and  to 
offer  him  his  services  in  his  wars,  and,  if  he  were 
received  by  the  Inca  in  the  same  friendly  spirit 
with  which  he  came,  he  was  willing,  for  the  aid 
he  could  render  him,  to  postpone  awhile  his  pas- 
sage across  the  country  to  the  opposite  seas.  The 
Indian,  according  to  the  Castilian  accounts,  lis- 
tened with  awe  to  this  strain  of  glorification  from 
the  Spanish  commmander.  Yet  it  is  possible  that 
the  envoy  was  a  better  diplomatist  than  they  im- 
agined, and  that  he  understood  it  was  only  the 
game  of  brag  at  which  he  was  playing  with  his 
more  civilized  antagonist.^ 

'  Xcrez,  Conq.  del  Peni,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  193. — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  5. 


1532]      E]MBASSIES    FROM    ATAHUALLPA         87 

On  the  succeeding  morning,  at  an  early  hour, 
the  troops  were  again  on  their  march,  and  for  two 
days  were  occupied  in  threading  the  airy  defiles 
of  the  Cordilleras.  Soon  after  beginning  their 
descent  on  the  eastern  side,  another  emissary 
arrived  from  the  Inca,  bearing  a  message  of 
similar  import  to  the  preceding,  and  a  present,  in 
like  manner,  of  Peruvian  sheep.  This  was  the 
same  noble  that  had  visited  Pizarro  in  the  valley. 
He  now  came  in  more  state,  quaffing  chicha — 
the  fermented  juice  of  the  maize — from  golden 
goblets  borne  by  his  attendants,  which  sparkled  in 
the  eyes  of  the  rapacious  adventurers.^  * 

While  he  was  in  the  camp,  the  Indian  mes- 
senger, originally  sent  by  Pizarro  to  the  Inca, 
returned,  and  no  sooner  did  he  behold  the  Peru- 
vian, and  the  honorable  reception  which  he  met 
with  from  the  Spaniards,  than  he  was  filled  with 

""  Este  Embajador  traia  servicio  de  Senor,  i  cinco  5  seis  Vasos  de 
Oro  fino,  con  que  bebia,  i  con  ellos  daba  a  beber  a  los  Espanoles  de 
la  Chicha  que  traia."  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p. 
193. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi  supra. — The  latter  author, 
in  this  part  of  his  work,  has  done  little  more  than  make  a  transcript 
of  that  of  Xerez.  His  endorsement  of  Pizarro's  secretary,  however, 
is  of  value,  from  the  fact  that,  with  less  temptation  to  mistate  or 
overstate,  he  enjoyed  excellent  opportunities  for  information. 

*  [The  usual  method  for  preparing  the  jora,  or  dried  grain,  for 
its  manufacture  into  chicha  is  to  crush  it  between  two  stones.  This 
applies  only  to  the  ordinary  beverage.  For  the  choicer  chicha  m^.v- 
cada  the  grain  is  masticated,  usually  by  the  Indian  women.  One 
may  see  this  process  going  on  in  almost  any  of  the  villages  among 
the  mountains.  Occasionally  a  "  bee,"  similar  to  the  husking  bees  of 
North  America,  is  arranged.  A  group  of  men  and  women  seat  them- 
selves around  a  heap  of  jora  and  straightway  proceed  to  chev^  it  tip, 
ejecting  the  crushed  grain  from  their  mouths  into  a  common  recep- 
tacle. The  mass  is  then  boiled  and  left  to  ferment.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  superior  flavor  of  the  chicha  mascada,  the  average  traveller 
is  likely  to  be  satisfied  with  the  ordinary  article. — M.] 


88  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

wrath,  which  would  have  vented  itself  in  personal 
violence,  but  for  the  interposition  of  the  by-stand- 
ers.  It  was  hard,  he  said,  that  this  Peruvian  dog 
should  be  thus  courteously  treated,  when  he  him- 
self had  nearly  lost  his  life  on  a  similar  mission 
among  his  countrymen.  On  reaching  the  Inca's 
camp  he  had  been  refused  admission  to  his  pres- 
ence, on  the  ground  that  he  was  keeping  a  fast  and 
could  not  be  seen.  They  had  paid  no  respect  to  his 
assertion  that  he  came  as  an  envoy  from  the  white 
men,  and  would,  probably,  not  have  suffered  him 
to  escape  with  life,  if  he  had  not  assured  them  that 
any  violence  offered  to  him  would  be  retaliated 
in  full  measure  on  the  persons  of  the  Peruvian 
envoys  now  in  the  Spanish  quarters.  There  was 
no  doubt,  he  continued,  of  the  hostile  intentions 
of  Atahuallpa;  for  he  was  surrounded  with  a 
powerful  army,  strongly  encamped  about  a  league 
from  Caxamalca,  while  that  city  was  entirely 
evacuated  by  its  inhabitants. 

To  all  this  the  Inca's  envoy  coolly  replied  that 
Pizarro's  messenger  might  have  reckoned  on  such 
a  reception  as  he  had  found,  since  he  seemed  to 
have  taken  with  him  no  credentials  of  his  mission. 
As  to  the  Inca's  fast,  that  was  true ;  and,  although 
he  would  doubtless  have  seen  the  messenger  had  he 
known  there  was  one  from  the  strangers,  yet  it 
was  not  safe  to  disturb  him  at  these  solemn  sea- 
sons, when  engaged  in  his  religious  duties.  The 
troops  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  were  not  nu- 
merous, considering  that  the  Inca  was  at  that  time 
carrying  on  an  important  war;  and  as  to  Caxa- 
malca, it  was  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants  in 


1533]  THE  SPANIARDS  REACH  CAXAMALCA  89 

order  to  make  room  for  the  white  men,  who  were 
so  soon  to  occupy  it." 

This  explanation,  however  plausible,  did  not 
altogether  satisfy  the  general ;  for  he  had  too  deep 
a  conviction  of  the  cunning  of  Atahuallpa,  whose 
intentions  towards  the  Spaniards  he  had  long 
greatly  distrusted.  As  he  proposed,  however,  to 
keep  on  friendly  relations  with  the  monarch  for 
the  present,  it  was  obviously  not  his  cue  to  mani- 
fest suspicion.  AiFecting,  therefore,  to  give  full 
credit  to  the  explanation  of  the  envoy,  he  dis- 
missed him  with  reiterated  assurances  of  speedily 
presenting  himself  before  the  Inca. 

The  descent  of  the  sierra,  though  the  Andes  are 
less  precipitous  on  their  eastern  side  than  towards 
the  west,  was  attended  with  difficulties  almost 
equal  to  those  of  the  upward  march;  and  the 
Spaniards  felt  no  little  satisfaction  when,  on  the 
seventh  day,  they  arrived  in  view  of  the  valley  of 
Caxamalca,  which,  enamelled  with  all  the  beauties 
of  cultivation,  lay  unrolled  like  a  rich  and  varie- 
gated carpet  of  verdure,  in  strong  contrast  with 
the  dark  forms  of  the  Andes,  that  rose  up  every- 
where around  it.  The  valley  is  of  an  oval  shape, 
extending  about  five  leagues  in  length  by  three 
in  breadth.  It  was  inhabited  by  a  population  of 
a  superior  character  to  any  which  the  Spaniards 
had  met  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  as 
was  argued  by  the  superior  style  of  their  attire 
and  the  greater  cleanliness  and  comfort  visible 
both  in  their  persons  and  dwellings.^     As  far  as 

•  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  194. — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 

'  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  195. 


90  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  eye  could  reach,  the  level  tract  exhibited  the 
show  of  a  diligent  and  thrifty  husbandry.  A 
broad  river  rolled  through  the  meadows,  supply- 
ing facihties  for  copious  irrigation  by  means  of 
the  usual  canals  and  subterraneous  aqueducts. 
The  land,  intersected  by  verdant  hedge-rows, 
was  checkered  with  patches  of  various  cultivation ; 
for  the  soil  was  rich,  and  the  climate,  if  less  stimu- 
lating than  that  of  the  sultry  regions  of  the  coast, 
was  more  favorable  to  the  hardy  products  of  the 
temperate  latitudes.  Below  the  adventurers,  with 
its  white  houses  glittering  in  the  sun,  lay  the  little 
city  of  Caxamalca,*  like  a  sparkling  gem  on  the 
dark  skirts  of  the  sierra.  At  the  distance  of  about 
a  league  farther,  across  the  valley,  might  be  seen 
columns  of  vapor  rising  up  towards  the  heavens, 
indicating  the  place  of  the  famous  hot-baths,  much 
frequented  by  the  Peruvian  princes.  And  here, 
too,  was  a  spectacle  less  grateful  to  the  eyes  of 
the  Spaniards;  for  along  the  slope  of  the  hills  a 
white  cloud  of  pavilions  was  seen  covering  the 
ground,  as  thick  as  snow-flakes,  for  the  space, 
apparently,  of  several  miles.  "  It  filled  us  all 
with  amazement,"  exclaims  one  of  the  Conquerors, 
"  to  behold  the  Indians  occupying  so  proud  a  posi- 
tion! So  many  tents,  so  well  appointed,  as  were 
never  seen  in  the  Indies  till  now  I  The  spectacle 
caused  something  like  confusion  and  even  fear  in 

•  [The  description  of  Caxamalca  given  by  the  Secretary  of  Pizarro 
is  much  more  minute  than  any  that  he,  or  indeed  any  other  of  tlie 
Conquerors,  gives  of  other  places.  When  their  eyes  had  become 
accustomed  to  the  startling  civilization  of  the  land,  the  Spaniards 
ceased  to  commit  their  impressions  to  writing.  They  were  always 
prone  to  exaggerations.  Xerez  says  the  plaza  was  larger  than  any 
in  Spain! — M.J 


1532]  THE  SPANIARDS  REACH  CAXAMALCA  91 

the  stoutest  bosom.  But  it  was  too  late  to  turn 
back,  or  to  betray  the  least  sign  of  weakness,  since 
the  natives  in  our  own  company  would,  in  such 
case,  have  been  the  first  to  rise  upon  us.  So,  with 
as  bold  a  countenance  as  we  could^  after  coolly 
surveying  the  ground,  we  prepared  for  our  en- 
trance into  Caxamalca."  ^ 

What  were  the  feelings  of  the  Peruvian  mon- 
arch we  are  not  informed,  when  he  gazed  on  the 
martial  cavalcade  of  the  Christians,  as,  with  ban- 
ners streaming,  and  bright  panoplies  glistening  in 
the  rays  of  the  evening  sun,  it  emerged  from  the 
dark  depths  of  the  sierra  and  advanced  in  hostile 
array  over  the  fair  domain  which,  to  this  period, 
had  never  been  trodden  by  other  foot  than  that  of 
the  red  man.  It  might  be,  as  several  of  the  reports 
had  stated,  that  the  Inca  had  purposely  decoyed 
the  adventurers  into  the  heart  of  his  populous  em- 
pire, that  he  might  envelop  them  with  his  legions 
and  the  more  easily  become  master  of  their  prop- 
erty and  persons.^    Or  was  it  from  a  natural  f eel- 

*"  Y  eran  tantas  las  tiendas  que  parecian,  que  cierto  nos  puso  harto 
espanto,  porque  no  pensabamos  que  Indies  pudiesen  tener  tan  so- 
berbia  estancia,  ni  tantas  tiendas,  ni  tan  d  punto,  lo  cual  hasta  alii  en 
las  Indias  nunca  se  vi6,  que  nos  caus6  a  todos  los  Espanoles  harta 
confusion  y  temor;  aunque  no  convenia  mostrarse,  ni  menos  volver 
atras,  porque  si  alguna  flaqueza  en  nosotros  sintieran,  los  mismos 
Indies  que  Uevabamos  nos  mataran,  y  ansi  con  animoso  semblante, 
despues  de  haber  muy  bien  atalayado  el  pueblo  y  tiendas  que  he 
dicho,  abajamos  por  el  valle  aba  jo,  y  entramos  en  el  pueblo  de  Ca  Ja- 
maica."   Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

'  This  was  evidentlj'^  the  opinion  of  the  old  Conqueror,  whose  im- 
perfect manuscript  forms  one  of  the  best  authorities  for  this  portion 
of  our  narrative:  "Teniendonos  en  muy  poco,  y  no  haciendo  cuenta 
que  190  hombres  le  habian  de  ofender,  di6  lugar  y  consintio  que  pasa- 
semos  por  aquel  paso  y  por  otros  muchos  tan  malos  como  ^1,  porque 
realmente,  A  lo  que  despues  se  supo  y  averigu6,  su  intencion  era 
vernos  y  preguntarnos,  de  donde  veniamos?    y  quien  nos  habia  he- 


92  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

ing  of  curiosity,  and  relying  on  their  professions 
of  friendship,  that  he  had  thus  allowed  them,  with- 
out any  attempt  at  resistance,  to  come  into  his 
presence?  At  all  events,  he  could  hardly  have  felt 
such  confidence  in  himself  as  not  to  look  with 
apprehension,  mingled  vdth  awe,  on  the  mysteri- 
ous strangers,  who,  coming  from  an  unknown 
world  and  possessed  of  such  wonderful  gifts,  had 
made  their  way  across  mountain  and  valley  in 
spite  of  every  obstacle  which  man  and  nature  had 
opposed  to  them. 

Pizarro,  meanwhile,  forming  his  little  corps  into 
three  divisions,  now  moved  forward,  at  a  more 
measured  pace,  and  in  order  of  battle,  down  the 
slopes  that  led  towards  the  Indian  city.  As  he 
drew  near,  no  one  came  out  to  welcome  him;  and 
he  rode  through  the  streets  without  meeting  with 
a  living  thing,  or  hearing  a  sound,  except  the 
echoes,  sent  back  from  the  deserted  dwellings,  of 
the  tramp  of  the  soldiery. 

It  was  a  place  of  considerable  size,  containing 
about  ten  thousand  inhabitants,*  somewhat  more, 
probably,  than  the  population  assembled  at  this 
day  within  the  walls  of  the  modern  city  of  Caxa- 
malca.*^    The  houses,  for  the  most  part,  were  built 

chado  alii?  y  que  queriamos?  Porque  era  muy  sabio  y  discreto,  y 
aunque  sin  luz  ni  escriptura,  amigo  de  saber  y  de  sotil  entendimiento; 
y  despues  de  holgadose  con  nosotros,  tomarnos  los  caballos  y  las  cosas 
que  d  el  mas  le  aplacian,  y  sacrificar  &  los  demas."  Relacion  del 
primer  Descub.,  MS. 

"  According  to  Stevenson,  this  population,  which  is  of  a  very 
mixed  character,  amounts,  or  did  amount  some  thirty  years  ago,  to 
about  seven  thousand.  That  sagacious  traveller  gives  an  animated 
de.scription  of  the  city,  in  which  he  resided  some  time,  and  which  he 
seems  to  have  regarded  with  peculiar  predilection.    Yet  it  does  not 

*  [Xerez  says  two  thousand. — M.] 


1532]  THE  SPANIARDS  REACH  CAXAMALCA  93 

of  clay,  hardened  in  the  sun;  the  roofs  thatched 
or  of  timber.  Some  of  the  more  ambitious  dwell- 
ings were  of  hewn  stone ;  and  there  was  a  convent 
in  the  place,  occupied  by  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun, 
and  a  temple  dedicated  to  the  same  tutelar  deity, 
which  last  was  hidden  in  the  deep  embowering 
shades  of  a  grove  on  the  skirts  of  the  city.  On 
the  quarter  towards  the  Indian  camp  was  a  square 
— if  square  it  might  be  called,  which  was  almost 
triangular  in  form — of  an  immense  size,  sur- 
rounded by  low  buildings.  These  consisted  of 
capacious  halls,  with  wide  doors  or  openings  com- 
municating with  the  square.  They  were  probably 
intended  as  a  sort  of  barracks  for  the  Inca's  sol- 
diers." At  the  end  of  the  plaza,  looking  towards 
the  country,  was  a  fortress  of  stone,  with  a  stair- 
way leading  from  the  city,  and  a  private  entrance 
from  the  adjoining  suburbs.  There  was  still  an- 
other fortress  on  the  rising  ground  which  com- 
manded the  town,  built  of  hewn  stone  and  encom- 
passed by  three  circular  walls, — or  rather  one  and 
the  same  wall,  which  wound  up  spirally  around 
it.  It  was  a  place  of  great  strength,  and  the  work- 
manship show^ed  a  better  knowledge  of  masonry, 
and  gave  a  higher  impression  of  the  architectural 
science  of  the  people,  than  any  thing  the  Span- 
iards had  yet  seen.^^ 

hold  probably  the  relative  rank  at  the  present  day  that  it  did  in  that 
of  the  Incas.    Residence  in  South  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  131. 

"  Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  ap.  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  15. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii. 
p.  195. 

"  "  Fuer^as  son,  que  entre  Indios  no  se  han  visto  tales."  Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Pen:,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  195. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. 


94  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  fifteenth  of 
November,  1532,  when  the  Conquerors  entered 
the  city  of  Caxamalca.  The  weather,  which  had 
been  fair  during  the  day,  now  threatened  a  storm, 
and  some  rain  mingled  with  hail — for  it  was  un- 
usually cold — began  to  fall.^^  Pizarro,  however, 
was  so  anxious  to  ascertain  the  dispositions  of  the 
Inca  that  he  determined  to  send  an  embassy  at 
once  to  his  quarters.  He  selected  for  this  Her- 
nando de  Soto  with  fifteen  horse,  and,  after  his 
departure,  conceiving  that  the  number  was  too 
small  in  case  of  any  unfriendly  demonstrations  by 
the  Indians,  he  ordered  his  brother  Hernando  to 
follow  with  twenty  additional  troopers.  This  cap- 
tain and  one  other  of  his  party  have  left  us  an 
account  of  the  excursion.^ ^ 

Between  the  city  and  the  imperial  camp  was  a 
causeway,  built  in  a  substantial  manner  across  the 
meadowland  that  intervened.  Over  this  the  cav- 
alry galloped  at  a  rapid  pace,  and  before  they 
had  gone  a  league  they  came  in  front  of  the  Peru- 

"  "  Desde  h.  poco  rato  comencjo  a  Hover,  i  caer  grani(;'o."  (Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  195.)  Caxamalca,  in  the  In- 
dian tongue,  signifies  "place  of  frost;"  for  the  temperature,  though 
usually  hland  and  genial,  is  sometimes  affected  by  frosty  winds  from 
the  east,  very  pernicious  to  vegetation.  Stevenson,  Residence  in 
South  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  129. 

"  Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. — The  I^etter  of  Hernando  Pizarro, 
addressed  to  the  Royal  Audience  of  St.  Domingo,  gives  a  full  account 
of  the  extraordinary  events  recorded  in  this  and  the  ensuing  chapter, 
in  which  that  cavalier  took  a  prominent  part.  Allowing  for  the  par- 
tialities incident  to  a  chief  actor  in  the  scenes  he  describes,  no  au- 
thority can  rank  higher.  The  indefatigable  Oviedo,  who  resided  in 
St.  Domingo,  saw  its  importance,  and  fortunately  incorporated  the 
document  in  his  great  work.  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
cap.  15. — The  anonymous  author  of  tlie  Rclacion  del  primer  Descub., 
MS.,  was  also  detached  on  this  service. 


1532]  EMBASSY    TO    THE    INCA  95 

vian  encampment,  where  it  spread  along  the  gentle 
slope  of  the  mountains.  The  lances  of  the  war- 
riors were  fixed  in  the  ground  before  their  tents, 
and  the  Indian  soldiers  were  loitering  without, 
gazing  with  silent  astonishment  at  the  Christian 
cavalcade,  as  with  clangor  of  arms  and  shrill  blast 
of  trumpet  it  swept  by,  like  some  fearful  appari- 
tion on  the  wings  of  the  wind. 

The  party  soon  came  to  a  broad  but  shallow 
stream,  which,  winding  through  the  meadow, 
formed  a  defence  for  the  Inca's  position.  Across 
it  was  a  wooden  bridge ;  but  the  cavaliers,  distrust- 
ing its  strength,  preferred  to  dash  through  the 
waters,  and  without  difficulty  gained  the  oppo- 
site bank.  A  battalion  of  Indian  warriors  was 
drawn  up  under  arms  on  the  farther  side  of  the 
bridge,  but  they  offered  no  molestation  to  the 
Spaniards ;  and  these  latter  had  strict  orders  from 
Pizarro — scarcely  necessary  in  their  present  cir- 
cumstances— to  treat  the  natives  with  courtesy. 
One  of  the  Indians  pointed  out  the  quarter  oc- 
cupied by  the  Inca.^^ 

It  was  an  open  court-yard,  with  a  light  building 
or  pleasure-house  in  the  centre,  having  galleries 
running  round  it,  and  opening  in  the  rear  on  a 
garden.  The  walls  were  covered  with  a  shining 
plaster,  both  white  and  colored,  and  in  the  area 
before  the  edifice  was  seen  a  spacious  tank  or 
reservoir  of  stone,  fed  by  aqueducts  that  supplied 
it  with  both  warm  and  cold  water.^^    A  basin  of 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.— Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro, 
MS. 

"  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  302. — "  Y  al 
estanque  venian  dos  canos  de  agua,  uno  caliente  y  otro  frio,  y  alii  se 


96  CONQUEST   OF    PERU 

hewn  stone — it  may  be  of  a  more  recent  construc- 
tion— still  bears,  on  the  spot,  the  name  of  the 
"  Inca's  bath."  ^^  The  court  was  filled  with  Indian 
nobles,  dressed  in  gayly-ornamented  attire,  in  at- 
tendance on  the  monarch,  and  with  women  of  the 
royal  household.  Amidst  this  assembly  it  was  not 
difficult  to  distinguish  the  person  of  Atahuallpa, 
though  his  dress  was  simpler  than  that  of  his  at- 
tendants. But  he  wore  on  his  head  the  crimson 
borla  or  fringe,  which,  surrounding  the  forehead, 
hung  down  as  low  as  the  eyebrow.  This  was  the 
well-known  badge  of  Peruvian  sovereignty,  and 
had  been  assumed  by  the  monarch  only  since  the 
defeat  of  his  brother  Huascar.  He  was  seated  on 
a  low  stool  or  cushion,  somewhat  after  the  Morisco 
or  Turkish  fashion,  and  his  nobles  and  principal 
officers  stood  around  him  with  great  ceremony, 
holding  the  stations  suited  to  their  rank.^^ 

The  Spaniards  gazed  with  much  interest  on  the 
prince,  of  whose  cruelty  and  cunning  they  had 

templava  la  una  con  la  otra,  para  quando  el  Senor  se  queria  banar  6 
sus  mugeres  que  otra  persona  no  osava  entrar  en  el  so  pena  de  la 
vida."    Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

"  Stevenson,  Residence  in  South  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  164. 

"  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  196. — Carta  de 
Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. — The  appearance  of  the  Peruvian  monarch  is 
described  in  simple  but  animated  style  by  the  Conqueror  so  often 
quoted,  one  of  the  party:  "  Llegados  al  patio  de  la  dicha  casa  que 
tenia  delante  della,  vimos  estar  en  medio  de  gran  muchedumbre  de 
Indios  asentado  aquel  gran  Sefior  Atal)alica  (de  quien  tanta  noticia, 
y  tantas  co.sas  nos  habian  dicho)  con  una  corona  en  la  cabeza,  y  una 
borla  que  le  salia  della,  y  le  cubria  toda  la  frente,  la  cual  era  la 
insinia  real,  sentado  en  una  sillecita  muy  baja  del  suelo,  como  los 
turcos  y  moros  acostumbran  sentarse,  el  cual  estaba  con  tanta  ma- 
gestad  y  aparato  cual  nunca  se  ha  visto  jamas,  porque  estaba  cer- 
cado  de  mas  de  seiscientos  Senores  de  su  tierra."  Relacion  del 
primer  Descub.,  MS. 


1532]        INTERVIEW    WITH    THE    INCA  97 

heard  so  much,  and  whose  valor  had  secured  to 
him  the  possession  of  the  empire.  But  his  counte- 
nance exhibited  neither  the  fierce  passions  nor  the 
sagacity  which  had  been  ascribed  to  him;  and, 
though  in  his  bearing  he  showed  a  gravity  and  a 
cahn  consciousness  of  authority  well  becoming  a 
king,  he  seemed  to  discharge  all  expression  from 
his  features,  and  to  discover  only  the  apathy  so 
characteristic  of  the  American  races.  On  the  pres- 
ent occasion  this  must  have  been  in  part,  at  least, 
assumed.  For  it  is  impossible  that  the  Indian 
prince  should  not  have  contemplated  with  curious 
interest  a  spectacle  so  strange,  and,  in  some  re- 
spects, appalling,  as  that  of  these  mysterious 
strangers,  for  which  no  previous  description  could 
have  prepared  him. 

Hernando  Pizarro  and  Soto,  with  two  or  three 
only  of  their  followers,  slowly  rode  up  in  front 
of  the  Inca ;  and  the  former,  making  a  respectful 
obeisance,  but  without  dismounting,  informed 
Atahuallpa  that  he  came  as  an  ambassador  from 
his  brother,  the  commander  of  the  white  men,  to 
acquaint  the  monarch  with  their  arrival  in  his  city 
of  Caxamalca.  They  were  the  subjects  of  a 
mighty  prince  across  the  waters,  and  had  come, 
he  said,  drawn  thither  by  the  report  of  his  great 
victories,  to  offer  their  services,  and  to  impart  to 
him  the  doctrines  of  the  true  faith  which  they 
professed ;  and  he  brought  an  invitation  from  the 
general  to  Atahuallpa  that  the  latter  would  be 
pleased  to  visit  the  Spaniards  in  their  present 
quarters. 

To  all  this  the  Inca  answered  not  a  word;  nor 

Vol.  II.— 7 


98  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

did  he  make  even  a  sign  of  acknowledgment  that 
he  comprehended  it;  though  it  was  translated  for 
him  by  Felipillo,  one  of  the  interpreters  already 
noticed.  He  remained  silent,  with  his  eyes  fast- 
ened on  the  ground;  but  one  of  his  nobles,  stand- 
ing by  his  side,  answered,  "  It  is  well."  *®  This 
was  an  embarrassing  situation  for  the  Spaniards, 
who  seemed  to  be  as  far  from  ascertaining  the 
real  disposition  of  the  Peruvian  monarch  towards 
themselves  as  when  the  mountains  were  between 
them. 

In  a  courteous  and  respectful  manner,  Her- 
nando Pizarro  again  broke  the  silence  by  request- 
ing the  Inca  to  speak  to  them  himself  and  to  in- 
form them  what  was  his  pleasure.^^  To  this 
Atahuallpa  condescended  to  reply,  while  a  faint 
smile  passed  over  his  features,  "  Tell  your  cap- 
tain that  I  am  keeping  a  fast,  which  will  end  to- 
morrow morning.  I  will  then  visit  him,  with  my 
chieftains.  In  the  mean  time,  let  him  occupy  the 
public  buildings  on  the  square,  and  no  other,  till 
I  come,  when  I  will  order  what  shall  be  done."  ^^ 

"  "  Las  cuales  por  ^1  oidas,  con  ser  su  inclinacion  preguntarnos  y 
saber  de  donde  veniamos,  y  que  queriamos,  y  ver  nuestras  personas 
y  caballos,  tubo  tanta  serenidad  en  el  rostro,  y  tanta  gravedad  en  su 
persona,  que  no  quiso  responder  palabra  A  lo  que  se  le  decia,  salvo 
que  un  Senor  de  aquellos  que  estaban  par  de  el  respondia:  bien 
estd."     Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

*•  "  Visto  por  el  dicho  Hernando  Pizarro  que  ^1  no  hablaba,  y  que 
aquella  tercera  persona  respondia  de  suyo,  torn6  le  &  suplicar,  que  el 
hablase  por  su  boc6^  y  le  respondiese  lo  que  quisiese."  Ibid.,  MS., 
ubi  supra. 

"  "  El  cual  &  esto  voIvi6  la  cabeza  &  mirarle  sonriendose  y  le  dijo: 
Deoid  &  ese  Capitan  que  os  embia  acil;  que  yo  estoy  en  ayuno,  y  le 
aoabo  mafiana  por  la  mafiana,  que  en  bebiendo  una  vez,  yo  ir^  con 
algunos  destos  principales  mios  &  verme  con  el,  que  en  tanto  ^1  se 
aposente  en  esas  casas  que  estan   en   la  plaza  que  son   comunes   d 


1532]        INTERVIEW    WITH    THE    INCA  99 

Soto,  one  of  the  party  present  at  this  interview, 
as  before  noticed,  was  the  best  mounted  and  per- 
haps the  best  rider  in  Pizarro's  troop.  Observing 
that  Atahuallpa  looked  with  some  interest  on  the 
fiery  steed  that  stood  before  him,  clamping  the  bit 
and  pawing  the  ground  with  the  natural  impa- 
tience of  a  war-horse,  the  Spaniard  gave  him  the 
rein,  and,  striking  his  iron  heel  into  his  side, 
dashed  furiously  over  the  plain,  then,  wheeling 
him  round  and  round,  displayed  all  the  beautiful 
movements  of  his  charger,  and  his  own  excellent 
horsemanship.  Suddenly  checking  him  in  full 
career,  he  brought  the  animal  almost  on  his 
haunches,  so  near  the  person  of  the  Inca  that 
some  of  the  foam  that  flecked  his  horse's  side  was 
thrown  on  the  royal  garments.  But  Atahuallpa 
maintained  the  same  marble  composure  as  before, 
though  several  of  his  soldiers,  whom  De  Soto 
passed  in  the  course,  were  so  much  disconcerted 
by  it  that  they  drew  back  in  manifest  terror, — an 
act  of  timidity  for  which  they  paid  dearly,  «/,  as 
the  Spaniards  assert,  Atahuallpa  caused  them  to 
be  put  to  death  that  same  evening  for  betraying 
such  unworthy  weakness  to  the  strangers.^^ 

todos,  y  que  no  entren  en  otra  ninguna  hasta  que  Yo  vaya,  que  Yo 
mandare  lo  que  se  ha  de  hacer."  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS., 
ubi  cupra. — In  this  singular  interview  I  have  followed  the  account 
of  the  cavalier  who  accompanied  Hernando  Pizarro,  in  preference  to 
that  of  the  latter,  who  represents  himself  as  talking  in  a  lordly  key, 
that  savors  too  much  of  the  vaunt  of  the  hidalgo. 

^  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. — "  I  algunos  Indios,  con  miedo,  se  desviaron  de  la 
Carrera,  por  lo  qual  Atabalipa  los  hi^o  luego  matar."  (Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  4.) — Xerez  states  that  Atahuallpa  confessed  this 
himself,  in  conversation  with  the  Spaniards  after  he  was  taken  pris- 
oner.— Soto's  charger  might  well  have  made  the  Indians  start,  if,  as 


100  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Refreshments  were  now  offered  by  the  royal 
attendants  to  the  Spaniards,  which  they  declined, 
being  unwilling  to  dismount.  They  did  not  re- 
fuse, however,  to  quaff  the  sparkling  chicha  from 
golden  vases  of  extraordinary  size,  presented  to 
them  by  the  dark-eyed  beauties  of  the  harem.^^ 
Taking  then  a  respectful  leave  of  the  Inca,  the 
cavaliers  rode  back  to  Caxamalca,  with  many 
moody  speculations  on  what  they  had  seen :  on  the 
state  and  opulence  of  the  Indian  monarch ;  on  the 
strength  of  his  military  array,  their  excellent  ap- 
pointments, and  the  apparent  discipline  in  their 
ranks, — all  arguing  a  much  higher  degree  of  civi- 
lization, and  consequently  of  power,  than  any 
thing  they  had  witnessed  in  the  lower  regions  of 
the  country.  As  they  contrasted  all  this  with  their 
own  diminutive  force,  too  far  advanced,  as  they 
now  w^ere,  for  succor  to  reach  them,  they  felt  they 
had  done  rashly  in  throwing  themselves  into  the 
midst  of  so  formidable  an  empire,  and  were  filled 
with  gloomy  forebodings  of  the  result.^^     Their 

Balboa  says,  he  took  twenty  feet  at  a  leap,  and  this  with  a  knight  in 
armor  on  his  back !    Hist,  du  P^rou,  cap.  23. 

"  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  196. 

""Hecho  esto  y  visto  y  atalayado  la  grandeza  del  ejercito,  y  las 
ticndas  que  era  bien  de  ver,  nos  bolvimos  &  donde  el  dicho  capitan  nos 
estaba  esperando,  harto  espantados  de  lo  que  habianios  visto,  habiendo 
y  tomando  entre  nosotros  muchos  acuerdos  y  opiniones  de  lo  que  se 
debia  hacer,  estando  todos  con  mucho  temor  por  ser  tan  pocos,  y  cstar 
tan  metidos  en  la  tierra  donde  no  podiamos  ser  socorridos."  (Rela- 
cion del  primer  Descub.,  MS.)  Pedro  Pizarro  is  honest  enough  to 
confirm  this  account  of  the  consternation  of  the  Spaniards.  (De- 
scub. y  Conq.,  MS.)  Fear  was  a  strange  sensation  for  the  Castilinn 
cavalier.  But  if  he  did  not  feel  some  touch  of  it  on  that  occasion,  he 
must  have  l)een  akin  to  that  doughty  knight  who,  as  Charles  V.  pro- 
nounced, "  never  could  have  snuffed  a  candle  witli  his  fingers." 


1^32]   DESPONDENCY  OF  THE   SPANIARDS   101 

comrades  in  the  camp  soon  caught  the  infectious 
spirit  of  despondency,  which  was  not  lessened  as 
night  came  on,  and  they  beheld  the  watch-fires  of 
the  Peruvians  lighting  up  the  sides  of  the  moun- 
tains and  glittering  in  the  darkness,  "  as  thick," 
says  one  who  saw  them,  "  as  the  stars  of  heaven."  ^ ' 
Yet  there  was  one  bosom  in  that  little  host  which 
was  not  touched  with  the  feeling  either  of  fear 
or  dejection.  That  was  Pizarro's,  who  secretly 
rejoiced  that  he  had  now  brought  matters  to  the 
issue  for  which  he  had  so  long  panted.  He  saw 
the  necessity  of  kindling  a  similar  feeling  in  his 
followers,  or  all  would  be  lost.  Without  unfold- 
ing his  plans,  he  went  round  among  his  men,  be- 
seeching them  not  to  show  faint  hearts  at  this 
crisis,  when  they  stood  face  to  face  with  the  foe 
whom  they  had  been  so  long  seeking.  "  They 
were  to  rely  on  themselves,  and  on  that  Provi- 
dence which  had  carried  them  safe  through  so 
many  fearful  trials.  It  would  not  now  desert 
them;  and  if  numbers,  however  great,  were  on 
the  side  of  their  enemy,  it  mattered  little,  when 
the  arm  of  Heaven  was  on  theirs."  ^^  The  Span- 
ish cavalier  acted  under  the  combined  influence  of 
chivalrous  adventure  and  religious  zeal.  The  latter 
was  the  more  effective  in  the  hour  of  peril;  and 
Pizarro,  who  understood  well  the  characters  he 
had  to  deal  with,  by  presenting  the  enterprise  as 

"  "  Hecimos  la  guardia  en  la  plaza,  de  donde  se  vian  los  fuegos  del 
ejercito  de  los  Indios,  lo  cual  era  cosa  espantable,  que  como  estaban 
en  una  ladera  la  mayor  parte,  y  tan  juntos  unos  de  otros,  no  parecia 
sino  an  cielo  muy  estrellado."    Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

^  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  iii.  p.  197. — Naharro, 
Relacion  sumaria,  MS. 


102  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

a  crusade,  kindled  the  dying  embers  of  enthusiasm 
in  the  bosoms  of  his  followers,  and  restored  their 
faltering  courage. 

He  then  summoned  a  council  of  his  officers,  to 
consider  the  plan  of  operations,  or  rather  to  pro- 
pose to  them  the  extraordinary  plan  on  which  he 
had  himself  decided.  This  was  to  lay  an  ambus- 
cade for  the  Inca  and  take  him  prisoner  in  the  face 
of  his  whole  army  I  It  was  a  project  full  of  peril, 
— bordering,  as  it  might  well  seem,  on  despera- 
tion. But  the  circumstances  of  the  Spaniards 
were  desperate.  Whichever  way  they  turned,  they 
were  menaced  by  the  most  appalling  dangers ;  and 
better  was  it  bravely  to  confront  the  danger  than 
weakly  to  shrink  from  it,  when  there  was  no 
avenue  for  escape. 

To  fly  was  now  too  late.  Whither  could  they 
fly?  At  the  first  signal  of  retreat,  the  whole  army 
of  the  Inca  would  be  upon  them.  Their  move- 
ments would  be  anticipated  by  a  foe  far  better 
acquainted  with  the  intricacies  of  the  sierra  than 
themselves;  the  passes  would  be  occupied,  and 
they  would  be  hemmed  in  on  all  sides;  while  the 
mere  fact  of  this  retrograde  movement  would 
diminish  their  confidence  and  with  it  their  effec- 
tive strength,  while  it  doubled  that  of  their  enemy. 

Yet  to  remain  long  inactive  in  their  present  po- 
sition seemed  almost  equally  perilous.  Even  sup- 
posing that  Atahuallpa  should  entertain  friendly 
feelings  towards  the  Christians,  they  could  not 
confide  in  the  continuance  of  such  feelings.  Fa- 
miliarity with  the  white  men  would  soon  destroy 
the  idea  of  any  thing  supernatural,  or  even  supe- 


1532J   DESPONDENCY  OF  THE   SPANIARDS   103 

rior,  in  their  natures.  He  would  feel  contempt 
for  their  diminutive  numbers.  Their  horses,  their 
arms  and  showy  appointments,  would  be  an  attrac- 
tive bait  in  the  eye  of  the  barbaric  monarch,  and 
when  conscious  that  he  had  the  power  to  crush 
their  possessors  he  would  not  be  slow  in  finding 
a  pretext  for  it.  A  sufficient  one  had  already  oc- 
curred in  the  high-handed  measures  of  the  Con- 
querors on  their  march  through  his  dominions. 

But  what  reason  had  they  to  flatter  themselves 
that  the  Inca  cherished  such  a  disposition  towards 
them?  He  was  a  crafty  and  unscrupulous  prince, 
and,  if  the  accounts  they  had  repeatedly  received 
on  their  march  were  true,  had  ever  regarded  the 
coming  of  the  Spaniards  with  an  evil  eye.  It  was 
scarcely  possible  he  should  do  otherwise.  His  soft 
messages  had  only  been  intended  to  decoy  them 
across  the  mountains,  where,  with  the  aid  of  his 
warriors,  he  might  readily  overpower  them.  They 
were  entangled  in  the  toils  which  the  cunning 
monarch  had  spread  for  them. 

Their  only  remedy,  then,  was  to  turn  the  Inca's 
arts  against  himself;  to  take  him,  if  possible,  in 
his  own  snare.  There  was  no  time  to  be  lost ;  for 
any  day  might  bring  back  the  victorious  legions 
who  had  recently  won  his  battles  at  the  south,  and 
thus  make  the  odds  against  the  Spaniards  far 
greater  than  now. 

Yet  to  encounter  Atahuallpa  in  the  open  field 
would  be  attended  with  great  hazard;  and,  even 
if  victorious,  there  would  be  little  probability  that 
the  person  of  the  Inca,  of  so  much  importance, 
would  fall  into  their  hands.     The  invitation  he 


104  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

had  so  unsuspiciously  accepted  to  visit  them  in 
their  quarters  afforded  the  best  means  for 
securing  this  desirable  prize.  Nor  was  the  en- 
terprise so  desperate,  considering  the  great  ad- 
vantages afforded  by  the  character  and  weapons 
of  the  invaders  and  the  unexpectedness  of  the 
assault.  The  mere  circumstance  of  acting  on  a 
concerted  plan  would  alone  make  a  small  number 
more  than  a  match  for  a  much  larger  one.  But  it 
was  not  necessary  to  admit  the  whole  of  the  Indian 
force  into  the  city  before  the  attack ;  and  the  per- 
son of  the  Inca  once  secured,  his  followers,  as- 
tounded by  so  strange  an  event,  were  they  few  or 
many,  would  have  no  heart  for  further  resistance ; 
and  with  the  Inca  once  in  his  power,  Pizarro  might 
dictate  laws  to  the  empire. 

In  this  daring  project  of  the  Spanish  chief  it 
was  easy  to  see  that  he  had  the  brilliant  exploit  of 
Cortes  in  his  mind  when  he  carried  off  the  Aztec 
monarch  in  his  capital.  But  that  was  not  by  vio- 
lence,— at  least  not  by  open  violence, — and  it  re- 
ceived the  sanction,  compulsory  though  it  were, 
of  the  monarch  himself.  It  was  also  true  that  the 
results  in  that  case  did  not  altogether  justify  a 
repetition  of  the  experiment,  since  the  people  rose 
in  a  body  to  sacrifice  both  the  prince  and  his  kid- 
nappers. Yet  this  was  owing,  in  part  at  least,  to 
the  indiscretion  of  the  latter.  The  experiment  in 
the  outset  was  perfectly  successful;  and  could 
Pizarro  once  become  master  of  the  person  of 
Atahuallpa  he  trusted  to  his  own  discretion  for 
the  rest.  It  would  at  least  extricate  him  from  his 
present  critical  position,  by  placing  in  his  power 


1532]   DESPONDENCY  OF  THE   SPANIARDS   105 

an  inestimable  guarantee  for  his  safety ;  and  if  he 
could  not  make  his  own  terms  with  the  Inca  at 
once,  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  from  home 
would,  in  all  probability,  soon  enable  him  to  do  so. 
Pizarro  having  concerted  his  plans  for  the  fol- 
lowing day,  the  council  broke  up,  and  the  chief 
occupied  himself  with  providing  for  the  security 
of  the  camp  during  the  night.  The  approaches 
to  the  town  were  defended;  sentinels  were  posted 
at  different  points,  especially  on  the  summit  of 
the  fortress,  where  they  were  to  observe  the  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy  and  to  report  any  movement 
that  menaced  the  tranquillity  of  the  night.  After 
these  precautions,  the  Spanish  commander  and 
his  followers  withdrew  to  their  appointed  quarters, 
— but  not  to  sleep.  At  least,  sleep  must  have 
come  late  to  those  who  were  aware  of  the  decisive 
plan  for  the  morrow;  that  morrow  which  was  to 
be  the  crisis  of  their  fate, — to  crown  their  ambi- 
tious schemes  with  full  success,  or  consign  them  to 
irretrievable  ruin! 


CHAPTER   V 

DESPERATE  PLAN  OF  PIZARRO ATAHUALLPA  VISITS 

THE     SPANIARDS HORRIBLE     MASSACRE THE 

INC  A  A  PRISONER — CONDUCT  OF  THE  CONQUER- 
ORS— SPLENDID  PROMISES  OF  THE  INCA — DEATH 
OF   HUASCAR 

1532 

THE  clouds  of  the  evening  had  passed  away, 
and  the  sun  rose  bright  on  the  following 
morning,  the  most  memorable  epoch  in  the  annals 
of  Peru.  It  was  Saturday,  the  sixteenth  of  No- 
vember, 1532.  The  loud  cry  of  the  trumpet  called 
the  Spaniards  to  arms  with  the  first  streak  of 
dawn ;  and  Pizarro,  briefly  acquainting  them  with 
the  plan  of  the  assault,  made  the  necessary  disposi- 
tions. 

The  plaza,  as  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter, was  defended  on  its  three  sides  by  low  ranges 
of  buildings,  consisting  of  spacious  halls  with  wide 
doors  or  vomitories  opening  into  the  square.  In 
these  halls  he  stationed  his  cavalry  in  two  divisions, 
one  under  his  brother  Hernando,  the  other  under 
De  Soto.  The  infantry  he  placed  in  another  of 
the  buildings,  reserving  twenty  chosen  men  to  act 
with  himself  as  occasion  might  require.  Pedro 
de  Candia,  with  a  few  soldiers  and  the  artillery, 
— comprehending  under  this  imposing  name  two 
small  pieces  of  ordnance,  called  falconets, — he 
established  in  the  fortress.     All  received  orders 

106 


1532]       DESPERATE    PLAN    OF    PIZARRO       107 

to  wait  at  their  posts  till  the  arrival  of  the  Inca. 
After  his  entrance  into  the  great  square,  they  were 
still  to  remain  under  cover,  withdrawn  from  ob- 
servation, till  the  signal  was  given  by  the  discharge 
of  a  gun,  when  they  were  to  cry  their  war-cries, 
to  rush  out  in  a  body  from  their  covert,  and,  put- 
ting the  Peruvians  to  the  sword,  bear  off  the  per- 
son of  the  Inca.  The  arrangement  of  the  immense 
halls,  opening  on  a  level  with  the  plaza,  seemed  to 
be  contrived  on  purpose  for  a  coup  de  theatre. 
Pizarro  particularly  inculcated  order  and  implicit 
obedience,  that  in  the  hurry  of  the  moment  there 
should  be  no  confusion.  Everything  depended  on 
their  acting  with  concert,  coolness,  and  celerity.^ 

The  chief  next  saw  that  their  arms  were  in  good 
order,  and  that  the  breastplates  of  their  horses 
were  garnished  with  bells,  to  add  by  their  noise 
to  the  consternation  of  the  Indians.  Refresh- 
ments were,  also,  liberally  provided,  that  the 
troops  should  be  in  condition  for  the  conflict. 
These  arrangements  being  completed,  mass  was 
performed  with  great  solemnity  by  the  ecclesi- 
astics who  attended  the  expedition;  the  God  of 
battles  was  invoked  to  spread  his  shield  over  the 
soldiers  who  were  fighting  to  extend  the  empire 
of  the  Cross;  and  all  joined  with  enthusiasm  in 
the  chant,  "  Ex  surge,  Domine"  "  Rise,  O  Lord ! 
and  judge  thine  own  cause."  ^     One  might  have 

^  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer  De- 
scub.,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  197. — 
Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  7. 

' "  Los  Eclesiasticos  i  Religiosos  se  ocuparon  toda  aquella  noche 
en  oracion,  pidiendo  d  Dios  el  mas  conveniente  suceso  d  su  sagrado 


108  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

supposed  them  a  company  of  martyrs  about  to  lay 
down  their  lives  in  defence  of  their  faith,  instead 
of  a  licentious  band  of  adventurers  meditating 
one  of  the  most  atrocious  acts  of  perfidy  on  the 
record  of  history!  Yet,  whatever  were  the  vices 
of  the  Castilian  cavalier,  hypocrisy  was  not  among 
the  number.  He  felt  that  he  was  battling  for  the 
Cross,  and  under  this  conviction,  exalted  as  it  was 
at  such  a  moment  as  this  into  the  predominant  im- 
pulse, he  was  blind  to  the  baser  motives  which 
mingled  with  the  enterprise.  With  feelings  thus 
kindled  to  a  flame  of  religious  ardor,  the  soldiers 
of  Pizarro  looked  forward  with  renovated  spirits 
to  the  coming  conflict ;  and  the  chieftain  saw  with 
satisfaction  that  in  the  hour  of  trial  his  men  would 
be  true  to  their  leader  and  themselves. 

It  was  late  in  the  day  before  any  movement  was 
visible  in  the  Peruvian  camp,  where  much  prepa- 
ration was  making  to  approach  the  Christian 
quarters  with  due  state  and  ceremony.  A  message 
was  received  from  Atahuallpa,  informing  the 
Spanish  commander  that  he  should  come  with  his 
warriors  fully  armed,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Spaniards  had  come  to  his  quarters  the  night  pre- 
ceding. This  was  not  an  agreeable  intimation  to 
Pizarro,  though  he  had  no  reason,  probably,  to  ex- 
pect the  contrary.    But  to  object  might  imply  dis- 

servicio,  exaltacion  de  la  f^  6  salvacion  de  tanto  numero  de  almas, 
derramando  muchas  lagrinias  i  sangre  en  las  disoiplinas  que  tomaron. 
Francisco  Pizarro  animd  a  las  soldados  con  wui  mui  crvitiana  platica 
que  les  hizo:  con  que,  i  asejjiirarles  los  Edesiasticos  de  parte  de  Dios 
i  de  su  Madre  Santisinia  la  vitoria,  amanecicron  todos  miii  deseosos 
de  dar  la  hatalla,  diciendo  d  voces,  Kxsnrge  Domine,  et  judica  causam 
tiiani."     Xaharro,  llelacion  sumaria,  MS. 


1532]     ATAHUALLPA    VISITS    SPANIARDS      109 

trust,  or  perhaps  disclose,  in  some  measure,  his  own 
designs.  He  expressed  his  satisfaction,  therefore, 
at  the  intelligence,  assuring  the  Inca  that,  come  as 
he  would,  he  would  be  received  by  him  as  a  friend 
and  brother.^ 

It  was  noon  before  the  Indian  procession  was  on 
its  march,  when  it  was  seen  occupying  the  great 
causeway  for  a  long  extent.  In  front  came  a  large 
body  of  attendants,  whose  office  seemed  to  be  to 
sweep  away  every  particle  of  rubbish  from  the 
road.  High  above  the  crowd  appeared  the  Inca, 
borne  on  the  shoulders  of  his  principal  nobles, 
w^hile  others  of  the  same  rank  marched  by  the  sides 
of  his  litter,  displaying  such  a  dazzling  show  of 
ornaments  on  their  persons  that,  in  the  language 
of  one  of  the  Conquerors,  "  they  blazed  like  the 
sun."  *  But  the  greater  part  of  the  Inca's  forces 
mustered  along  the  fields  that  lined  the  road,  and 
were  spread  over  the  broad  meadows  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  reach.^ 

When  the  royal  procession  had  arrived  within 

*"EI  governador  respondib:  Di  a  tu  Senor,  que  venga  en  hora 
buena  como  quisiere,  que  de  la  manera  que  viniere  lo  recebirfe  como 
Amigo,  i  Hermano."  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p. 
197.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  7.— Carta 
de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. 

* "  Hera  tanta  la  pateneria  que  traian  d'oro  y  plata  que  hera  cossa 
estrana  lo  que  reluzia  con  el  Sol."  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  v  Conq., 
MS. 

^  To  the  eye  of  the  old  Conqueror  so  often  quoted,  the  number  of 
Peruvian  warriors  appeared  not  less  than  50,000;  "mas  de  cincuenta 
mil  que  tenia  de  guerra."  (Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS.)  To 
Pizarro's  secretary,  as  they  lay  encamped  among  the  hills,  they 
seemed  about  30,000.  (Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p. 
196.)  However  gratifying  to  the  imagination  to  repose  on  some 
precise  number,  it  is  very  rarely  that  one  can  do  so  with  safety  in 
estimating  the  irregular  and  tumidtuous  levies  of  a  barbarian  host. 


110  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

half  a  mile  of  the  city,  it  came  to  a  halt;  and  Pi- 
zarro  saw  with  surprise  that  Atahuallpa  was  pre- 
paring to  pitch  his  tents,  as  if  to  encamp  there.  A 
messenger  soon  after  arrived,  informing  the  Span- 
iards that  the  Inca  would  occupy  his  present  sta- 
tion the  ensuing  night,  and  enter  the  city  on  the 
following  morning. 

This  intelligence  greatly  disturbed  Pizarro,  who 
had  shared  in  the  general  impatience  of  his  men 
at  the  tardy  movements  of  the  Peruvians.  The 
troops  had  been  under  arms  since  daylight,  the 
cavalry  mounted,  and  the  infantry  at  their  post, 
waiting  in  silence  the  coming  of  the  Inca.  A  pro- 
found stillness  reigned  throughout  the  town, 
broken  only  at  intervals  by  the  cry  of  the  sentinel 
from  the  summit  of  the  fortress,  as  he  proclaimed 
the  movements  of  the  Indian  army.  Nothing, 
Pizarro  well  knew,  was  so  trying  to  the  soldier 
as  prolonged  suspense,  in  a  critical  situation  like 
the  present;  and  he  feared  lest  his  ardor  might 
evaporate,  and  be  succeeded  by  that  nervous  feel- 
ing natural  to  the  bravest  soul  at  such  a  crisis,  and 
which,  if  not  fear,  is  near  akin  to  it.**  He  re- 
turned an  answer,  therefore,  to  Atahuallpa,  depre- 
cating his  change  of  purpose,  and  adding  that  he 
had  provided  every  thing  for  his  entertainment, 
and  expected  him  that  night  to  sup  with  him.^ 

•  Pedro  Pizarro  says  that  an  Indian  spy  reported  to  Atahuallpa 
that  the  white  men  were  all  huddled  together  in  the  great  halls  on  the 
square,  in  much  consternation,  llenos  de  mierfo,— which  was  not  far 
from  the  truth,  adds  the  cavalier.     (Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.) 

'  Pedro  Pizarro,  Desciib.  y  Conq.,  MS.  "  Asentados  sus  toldos 
envi6  d  decir  al  gobernador  que  ya  era  tarde,  que  ^1  queria  dormir 
allf,  que  por  la  mafiana  vernfa:   el  gobernador  le  envi6  &  decir  que  le 


1532]     ATAHUALLPA    VISITS    SPANIARDS      111 

This  message  turned  the  Inca  from  his  purpose; 
and,  striking  his  tents  again,  he  resumed  his  march, 
first  advising  the  general  that  he  should  leave  the 
greater  part  of  his  warriors  behind,  and  enter  the 
place  with  only  a  few  of  them,  and  without  arms,* 
as  he  preferred  to  pass  the  night  at  Caxamalca. 
At  the  same  time  he  ordered  accommodations  to 
be  provided  for  himself  and  his  retinue  in  one  of 
the  large  stone  buildings,  called,  from  a  serpent 
sculptured  on  the  walls,  "  The  House  of  the  Ser- 
pent." ^  No  tidings  could  have  been  more  grate- 
ful to  the  Spaniards.  It  seemed  as  if  the  Indian 
monarch  was  eager  to  rush  into  the  snare  that  had 
been  spread  for  him !  The  fanatical  cavalier  could 
not  fail  to  discern  in  it  the  immediate  finger  of 
Providence. 

It  is  difficult  to  account  for  this  wavering  con- 
duct of  Atahuallpa,  so  different  from  the  bold 
and  decided  character  which  history  ascribes  to 
him.  There  is  no  doubt  that  he  made  his  visit  to 
the  white  men  in  perfect  good  faith;  though  Pi- 
zarro  was  probably  right  in  conjecturing  that  this 
amiable  disposition  stood  on  a  very  precarious 
footing.  There  is  as  little  reason  to  suppose  that 
he  distrusted  the  sincerity  of  the  strangers ;  or  he 
would  not  thus  unnecessarily  have  proposed  to  visit 
them  unarmed.    His  original  purpose  of  coming 

rogaba  que  viniese  luego,  porque  le  esperaba  a  cenar,  e  que  no  habia 
de  cenar,  hasta  que  fuese."    Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  IMS. 

* "  fel  queria  venir  luepo,  e  que  venia  sin  armas.  E  luego  Ata- 
baliva  se  movi6  para  venir  6  dejo  alli  la  gente  con  las  armas,  e  llev6 
consigo  hasta  cinco  6  seis  mil  indios  sin  armas,  salvo  que  debajo  de  las 
camisetas  trafan  unas  porras  pequenas,  e  hondas,  d  bolsas  con  pie- 
dras."    Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. 

•Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  197. 


112  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

with  all  his  force  was  doubtless  to  display  his  royal 
state,  and  perhaps,  also,  to  show  greater  respect 
for  the  Spaniards;  but  when  he  consented  to  ac- 
cept their  hospitality  and  pass  the  night  in  their 
quarters,  he  was  willing  to  dispense  with  a  great 
part  of  his  armed  soldiery  and  visit  them  in  a  man- 
ner that  implied  entire  confidence  in  their  good 
faith.  He  was  too  absolute  in  his  own  empire 
easily  to  suspect ;  and  he  probably  could  not  com- 
prehend the  audacity  with  which  a  few  men,  like 
those  now  assembled  in  Caxamalca,  meditated  an 
assault  on  a  powerful  monarch  in  the  midst  of  his 
victorious  army.  He  did  not  know  the  character 
of  the  Spaniard. 

It  was  not  long  before  sunset  when  the  van  of 
the  royal  procession  entered  the  gates  of  the  city. 
First  came  some  hundreds  of  the  menials,  em- 
ployed to  clear  the  path  of  every  obstacle,  and 
singing  songs  of  triumph  as  they  came,  "  which 
in  our  ears,"  says  one  of  the  Conquerors, "  sounded 
like  the  songs  of  hell "  ^^  Then  followed  other 
bodies  of  different  ranks,  and  dressed  in  different 
liveries.  Some  wore  a  showy  stuff,  checkered 
white  and  red,  like  the  squares  of  a  chess-board.^^ 
Others  were  clad  in  pure  white,  bearing  hammers 
or  maces  of  silver  or  copper;  ^^  and  the  guards, 
together  with  those  in  immediate  attendance  on 
the  prince,  were  distinguished  by  a  rich  azure 
livery,  and  a  profusion  of  gay  ornaments,  while 
the  large  pendants  attached  to  the  ears  indicated 
the  Peruvian  noble. 

"  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

"  "  HInncH  y  colorada  coiiio  las  casas  de  un  ajedrcz."     Il;id.,  MS. 

"  "  Con  martillos  en  las  manos  de  cobre  y  plata."     Ibid.,  MS. 


1533]     ATAHUALLPA    VISITS    SPANIARDS      113 

Elevated  high  above  his  vassals  came  the  Inca 
Atahuallpa,  borne  on  a  sedan  or  open  litter,  on 
which  was  a  sort  of  throne  made  of  massive  gold 
of  inestimable  value.*  ^  The  palanquin  was  lined 
with  the  richly-colored  plumes  of  tropical  birds 
and  studded  with  shining  plates  of  gold  and 
silver/^  The  monarch's  attire  was  much  richer 
than  on  the  preceding  evening.  Round  his  neck 
was  suspended  a  collar  of  emeralds  of  uncommon 
size  and  brilliancy.*'^  His  short  hair  was  decorated 
with  golden  ornaments,  and  the  imperial  borla  en- 
circled his  temples.  The  bearing  of  the  Inca  was 
sedate  and  dignified;  and  from  his  lofty  station 
he  looked  down  on  the  multitudes  below  with  an 
air  of  composure,  like  one  accustomed  to  com- 
mand. 

As  the  leading  files  of  the  procession  entered 
the  great  square,  larger,  says  an  old  chronicler, 
than  any  square  in  Spain,  they  opened  to  the  right 
and  left  for  the  royal  retinue  to  pass.  Every 
thing  was  conducted  with  admirable  order.  The 
monarch  was  permitted  to  traverse  the  plaza  in 
silence,  and  not  a  Spaniard  was  to  be  seen.  When 
some  five  or  six  thousand  of  his  people  had  entered 

"  "  El  asiento  que  traia  sobre  las  andas  era  un  tablon  de  oro  que 
pes6  un  quintal  de  oro  segun  dicen  los  historiadores  25,000  pesos  6 
ducados."    Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. 

"  "  Luego  venia  nuicha  Gente  con  Armaduras,  Patenas,  i  Coronas 
de  Oro  i  Plata:  entre  estos  venia  Atabalipa,  en  una  Litera,  aforrada 
de  Pluma  de  Papagaios,  de  muchas  colores,  guarnecida  de  chapas  de 
Oro,  i  Plata."    Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  198. 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — "  Venia  la  jiersona  de 
Atabalica,  la  cual  traian  ochenta  Sefiores  en  hombros  todos  bestidos 
de  una  librea  azul  nuiy  rica,  y  el  bcstido  su  persona  muy  ricamente 
con  su  corona  en  la  cabeza,  y  al  cuello  un  collar  de  esmeraldas 
grandes."  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 
Vol..  II.— 8 


114  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  place,  Atahuallpa  halted,  and,  turning  round 
with  an  inquiring  look,  demanded,  "  Where  are  the 
strangers  ?  " 

At  this  moment  Fray  Vicente  de  Valverde,  a 
Dominican  friar,  Pizarro's  chaplain,  and  after- 
wards Bishop  of  Cuzco,  came  forward  with  his 
breviary,  or,  as  other  accounts  say,  a  Bible,  in  one 
hand,  and  a  crucifix  in  the  other,  and,  approach- 
ing the  Inca,  told  him  that  he  came  by  order  of  his 
commander  to  expound  to  him  the  doctrines  of  the 
true  faith,  for  which  purpose  the  Spaniards  had 
come  from  a  great  distance  to  his  country.  The 
friar  then  explained,  as  clearly  as  he  could,  the 
mysterious  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  and,  ascend- 
ing high  in  his  account,  began  with  the  creation  of 
man,  thence  passed  to  his  fall,  to  his  subsequent 
redemption  by  Jesus  Christ,  to  the  crucifixion,  and 
the  ascension,  when  the  Saviour  left  the  Apostle 
Peter  as  his  Vicegerent  upon  earth.  This  power 
had  been  transmitted  to  the  successors  of  the 
apostle,  good  and  wise  men,  who,  under  the  title 
of  Popes,  held  authority  over  all  powers  and  po- 
tentates on  earth.  One  of  the  last  of  these  Popes 
had  commissioned  the  Spanish  emperor,  the  most 
mighty  monarch  in  the  world,  to  conquer  and  con- 
vert the  natives  in  this  Western  hemisphere;  and 
his  general,  Francisco  Pizarro,  had  now  come  to 
execute  this  important  mission.  The  friar  con- 
cluded with  beseeching  the  Peruvian  monarch  to 
receive  him  kindly,  to  abjure  the  errors  of  his  own 
faith,  and  embrace  that  of  the  Christians  now 
proffered  to  him,  the  only  one  by  which  he  could 
hope  for  salvation,  and,  furthermore,  to  acknowl-. 


1532]     ATAHUALLPA    VISITS    SPANIARDS      115 

edge  himself  a  tributary  of  the  Emperor  Charles 
the  Fifth,  who,  in  that  event,  would  aid  and  pro- 
tect him  as  his  loyal  vassal.^**  * 

Whether  Atahuallpa  possessed  himself  of  every 
link  in  the  curious  chain  of  argument  by  which  the 
monk  connected  Pizarro  with  St.  Peter,  may  be 
doubted.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  he  must  have 
had  very  incorrect  notions  of  the  Trinity,  if,  as 
Garcilasso  states,  the  interpreter  Felipillo  ex- 
plained it  by  saying  that  "  the  Christians  believed 
in  three  Gods  and  one  God,  and  that  made 
four."  ^^  But  there  is  no  doubt  he  perfectly 
comprehended  that  the  drift  of  the  discourse  was 
to  persuade  him  to  resign  his  sceptre  and  acknowl- 
edge the  supremacy  of  another. 

The  eyes  of  the  Indian  monarch  flashed  fire,  and 
his  dark  brow  grew  darker,  as  he  replied,  *'  I  will 
be  no  man's  tributary.     I  am  greater  than  any 

'•  Montesinos  says  that  Valverde  read  to  the  Inca  the  regular  for- 
mula used  by  the  Spaniards  in  their  Conquests.  (Annales,  MS.,  afio 
1533.)  But  that  address,  though  absurd  enough,  did  not  comprehend 
the  whole  range  of  theology  ascribed  to  the  chaplain  on  this  occasion. 
Yet  it  is  not  impossible.  But  I  have  followed  the  report  of  Fray  Na- 
harro,  who  collected  his  information  from  the  actors  in  the  tragedy, 
and  whose  minuter  statement  is  corroborated  by  the  more  general 
testimony  of  both  the  Pizarros  and  the  secretary  Xerez. 

"  "  Por  dezir  Dios  trino  y  uno  dixo  Dios  tres  y  uno  son  quatro, 
sumando  los  numeros  por  darse  d  entender."  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2, 
lib.  1,  cap.  23. 

*  [When  we  consider  that  the  speech  of  Valverde  reached  Ata- 
huallpa through  the  lips  of  Felipillo,  an  Indian  lad  who  spoke  a 
dialect  differing  greatl,v  from  the  language  the  Inca  used,  and  that 
Felipillo  had  learned  his  Spanish  from  the  illiterate  soldiers  and 
sailors  who  made  up  the  Spanish  expeditions,  the  attempt  to  instruct 
the  Inca  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Christian  religion  seems  like  the 
broadest  kind  of  a  farce.  No  wonder  that  Atahuallpa  was  unable  to 
comprehend  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  and  to  master  the  arguments 
on  which  the  Petrine  supremacy  is  based. — M.] 


116  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

prince  upon  earth.  Your  emperor  may  be  a  great 
prince ;  I  do  not  doubt  it,  when  I  see  that  he  has 
sent  his  subjects  so  far  across  the  waters;  and  I 
am  wiUing  to  hold  him  as  a  brother.  As  for  the 
Pope  of  whom  you  speak,  he  must  be  crazy  to 
talk  of  giving  away  countries  which  do  not  belong 
to  him.  For  my  faith,"  he  continued,  "  I  will  not 
change  it.  Your  own  God,  as  you  say,  was  put  to 
death  by  the  very  men  whom  he  created.  But 
mine,"  he  concluded,  pointing  to  his  Deity, — then, 
alas!  sinking  in  glory  behind  the  mountains, — 
"  my  God  still  lives  in  the  heavens  and  looks  down 
on  his  children."  ^* 

He  then  demanded  of  Valverde  by  what  au- 
thority he  had  said  these  things.  The  friar  pointed 
to  the  book  which  he  held,  as  his  authority.  Ata- 
huallpa,  taking  it,  turned  over  the  pages  a  mo- 
ment, then,  as  the  insult  he  had  received  probably 
flashed  across  his  mind,  he  threw  it  down  with 
vehemence,  and  exclaimed,  "  Tell  your  comrades 
that  they  shall  give  me  an  account  of  their  doings 
in  my  land.  I  will  not  go  from  here  till  they  have 
made  me  full  satisfaction  for  all  the  wrongs  they 
have  committed."  ^^ 

The  friar,  greatly  scandalized  by  the  indignity 

"  See  Appendix  No.  8,  where  the  reader  will  find  extracts  in  the 
original  from  several  contemporary  MSS.,  relating  to  the  capture  of 
Atahuallpa. 

"  Some  accounts  describe  him  as  taxing  the  Spaniards  in  much 
more  unqualified  terms.  (See  Appendix  No.  8.)  But  language  is  not 
likely  to  be  accurately  reported  in  such  sea.sons  of  excitement.  Ac- 
cording to  some  authorities,  Atahuallpa  let  the  volume  drop  by  acci- 
dent. (Montesinos,  Annales,  M.S.,  afio  1.533. — Balboa,  Hist,  du  Perou, 
chap.  22.)  But  the  testimony,  as  far  as  we  have  it,  of  those  present, 
concurs  in  representing  it  as  stated  in  the  text.  And,  if  he  spoke  with 
the  heat  imputed  to  him,  this  act  would  only  be  in  keeping. 


1*3^]     ATAHUALLPA    VISITS    SPANIARDS      117 

offered  to  the  sacred  volume,  stayed  only  to  pick  it 
up,  and,  hastening  to  Pizarro,  informed  him  of 
what  had  been  done,  exclaiming,  at  the  same  time, 
"  Do  you  not  see  that  while  we  stand  here  wasting 
our  breath  in  talking  with  this  dog,  full  of  pride 
as  he  is,  the  fields  are  filling  with  Indians?  Set 
on  at  once;  I  absolve  you."  ^"  Pizarro  saw  that 
the  hour  had  come.  lie  waved  a  white  scarf  in 
the  air,  the  appointed  signal.  The  fatal  gun  was 
fired  from  the  fortress.  Then,  springing  into  the 
square,  the  Spanish  captain  and  his  followers 
shouted  the  old  war-cry  of  "  St.  Jago  and  at 
them."  It  was  answered  by  the  battle-cry  of 
every  Spaniard  in  the  city,  as,  rushing  from  the 
avenues  of  the  great  halls  in  which  they  were  con- 
cealed, they  poured  into  the  plaza,  horse  and  foot, 
each  in  his  own  dark  column,  and  threw  them- 
selves into  the  midst  of  the  Indian  crowd.  The 
latter,  taken  by  surprise,  stunned  by  the  report 
of    artillery  and  muskets,  the  echoes  of  which 


"  "  Visto  esto  por  el  Frayle  y  lo  poco  que  aprovechaban  sus  pala- 
bras,  tom6  su  libro,  y  aba  jo  su  cabeza,  y  fuese  para  donde  estaba  el 
dicho  Pizarro,  casi  corriendo,  y  dijole:  No  veis  lo  que  pasa:  para  que 
estais  en  comediraientos  y  requerimientos  con  este  perro  lleno  de  so- 
berbia  que  vienen  los  campos  Uenos  de  Indios?  Salid  d  el, — que  yo 
OS  absuelvo."  (Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS.)  The  historian 
should  be  slow  in  ascribing  conduct  so  diabolical  to  Father  Valverde, 
without  evidence.  Two  of  the  Conquerors  present,  Pedro  Pizarro 
and  Xerez,  simply  state  that  the  monk  reported  to  his  commander  the 
indignity  offered  to  the  secred  volume.  But  Hernando  Pizarro  and 
the  author  of  the  Relacion  del  primer  Descubrimiento,  both  eye- 
witnesses, and  Naharro,  Zarate,  Gomara,  Balboa,  Herrera,  the  Inca 
Titucussi  Yupanqui,  all  of  whom  obtained  their  information  from 
persons  who  were  eye-witnesses,  state  the  circumstance,  with  little 
variation,  as  in  the  text.  Yet  Oviedo  endorses  the  account  of  Xerez, 
and  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  insists  on  Valverde's  innocence  of  any  at- 
tempt to  rouse  the  passions  of  his  comrades. 


118  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

reverberated  like  thunder  from  the  surrounding 
buildings,  and  blinded  by  the  smoke  which  rolled 
in  sulphurous  volumes  along  the  square,  were 
seized  with  a  panic.  They  knew  not  whither  to 
fly  for  refuge  from  the  coming  ruin.  Nobles  and 
commoners, — all  were  trampled  down  under  the 
fierce  charge  of  the  cavalry,  who  dealt  their  blows, 
right  and  left,  without  sparing ;  while  their  swords, 
flashing  through  the  thick  gloom,  carried  dismay 
into  the  hearts  of  the  wretched  natives,  who  now 
for  the  first  time  saw  the  horse  and  his  rider  in  all 
their  terrors.  They  made  no  resistance, — as,  in- 
deed, they  had  no  weapons  with  which  to  make  it. 
Every  avenue  to  escape  was  closed,  for  the  en- 
trance to  the  square  was  choked  up  with  the  dead 
bodies  of  men  who  had  perished  in  vain  efl'orts  to 
fly ;  and  such  was  the  agony  of  the  survivors  under 
the  terrible  pressure  of  their  assailants  that  a  large 
body  of  Indians,  by  their  convulsive  struggles, 
burst  through  the  wall  of  stone  and  dried  clay 
which  formed  part  of  the  boundary  of  the  ylaza ! 
It  fell,  leaving  an  opening  of  more  than  a  hun- 
dred paces,  through  which  multitudes  now  found 
their  way  into  the  country,  still  hotly  pursued  by 
the  cavalry,  who,  leaping  the  fallen  rubbish,  hung 
on  the  rear  of  the  fugitives,  striking  them  down 
in  all  directions.^* 

Meanwhile  the  fight,  or  rather  massacre,  con- 
tinued hot  around  the  Inca,  whose  person  was  the 

^  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peni, 
ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  198. — Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. — Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  "A,  lib.  8,  cap.  7. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  5. — Instruccion 
del  Inga  Titucussi  Yupanqui,  MS. 


1532]  HORRIBLE    MASSACRE  119 

great  object  of  the  assault.  His  faithful  nobles, 
rallying  about  him,  threw  themselves  in  the  way 
of  the  assailants,  and  strove,  by  tearing  them  from 
their  saddles,  or  at  least  by  offering  their  own 
bosoms  as  a  mark  for  their  vengeance,  to  shield 
their  beloved  master.  It  is  said  by  some  authori- 
ties that  they  carried  weapons  concealed  under 
their  clothes.  If  so,  it  availed  them  little,  as  it 
is  not  pretended  that  they  used  them.  But  the 
most  timid  animal  will  defend  itself  when  at  bay. 
That  the  Indians  did  not  do  so  in  the  present  in- 
stance is  proof  that  they  had  no  weapons  to  use.^^ 
Yet  they  still  continued  to  force  back  the  cava- 
liers, clinging  to  their  horses  with  dying  grasp, 
and,  as  one  was  cut  down,  another  taking  the  place 
of  his  fallen  comrade  with  a  loyalty  truly  aiFect- 
ing. 

The  Indian  monarch,  stunned  and  bewildered, 
saw  his  faithful  subjects  falling  around  him  with- 
out fully  comprehending  his  situation.  The  litter 
on  which  he  rode  heaved  to  and  fro,  as  the  mighty 
press  swayed  backwards  and  forwards;  and  he 
gazed  on  the  overwhelming  ruin,  like  some  for- 
lorn mariner,  who,  tossed  about  in  his  bark  by  the 
furious  elements,  sees  the  lightning's  flash  and 

**The  author  of  the  Relacion  del  primer  Descubrimiento  speaks 
of  a  few-  as  having  bows  and  arrows,  and  of  others  as  armed  with 
silver  and  copper  mallets  or  maces,  which  may,  however,  have  been 
more  for  ornament  than  for  service  in  fight.  Pedro  Pizarro  and  some 
later  writers  say  that  the  Indians  brought  thongs  with  them  to  bind 
the  captive  white  men.  Both  Hernando  Pizarro  and  the  secretary 
Xerez  agree  that  their  only  arms  were  secreted  under  their  clothes; 
but,  as  they  do  not  j^retend  that  these  were  used,  and  as  it  was  an- 
nounced by  the  Inca  that  he  came  without  arms,  the  assertion  may 
well  be  doubted, — or  rather  discredited.  All  authorities,  without  ex- 
ception, agree  tliat  no  active  resistance  was  attempted. 


120  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

hears  the  thunder  bursting  around  him  with  the 
consciousness  that  he  can  do  nothing  to  avert  his 
fate.  At  length,  weary  with  the  work  of  destruc- 
tion, the  Spaniards,  as  the  shades  of  evening  grew 
deeper,  felt  afraid  that  the  royal  prize  might,  after 
all,  elude  them;  and  some  of  the  cavaliers  made 
a  desperate  attempt  to  end  the  affray  at  once  by 
taking  Atahuallpa's  life.  But  Pizarro,  who  was 
nearest  his  person,  called  out,  with  stentorian 
voice,  "  Let  no  one  who  values  his  life  strike  at 
the  Inca;  "  ^^  and,  stretching  out  his  arm  to  shield 
him,  received  a  wound  on  the  hand  from  one  of  his 
own  men, — the  only  wound  received  by  a  Spaniard 
in  the  action.^* 

The  struggle  now  became  fiercer  than  ever 
round  the  royal  litter.  It  reeled  more  and  more, 
and  at  length,  several  of  the  nobles  who  supported 
it  having  been  slain,  it  was  overturned,  and  the 
Indian  prince  would  have  come  with  violence  to 
the  ground,  had  not  his  fall  been  broken  by  the 
efforts  of  Pizarro  and  some  other  of  the  cavaliers, 
who  caught  him  in  their  arms.  The  imperial  borla 
was  instantly  snatched  from  his  temples  by  a 
soldier  named  Estete,^^  and  the  unhappy  monarch, 

""El  marquez  dio  bozes  diciendo:  Nadie  hiera  al  indio  so  pena 
de  la  vida."     Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Coiiq.,  MS. 

"  Whatever  discrepancy  exists  among  the  Castilian  accounts  in 
other  respects,  all  concur  in  this  remarkable  fact, — that  no  Spaniard, 
except  their  general,  received  a  wound  on  that  occasion.  Pizarro  saw 
in  this  a  satisfactory  argument  for  regarding  the  Spaniards,  this  day, 
as  under  the  special  protection  of  Providence.  See  Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  199. 

"  Miguel  Estete,  who  long  retained  the  silken  diadem  as  a  trophy 
of  the  exploit,  according  to  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  (Com.  Real.,  Parte 
2,  lib.  1,  cap.  27),  an  indifferent  authority  for  any  thing  in  this  part 
of  his  history.     This  popular  writer,  whose  work,  from  his  superior 


1532]  THE    INCA    A    PRISONER  121 

strongly  secured,  was  removed  to  a  neighboring 
building,  where  he  was  carefully  guarded. 

All  attempt  at  resistance  now  ceased.  The  fate 
of  the  Inca  soon  spread  over  town  and  country. 
The  charm  which  might  have  held  the  Peruvians 
together  was  dissolved.  Every  man  thought  only 
of  his  own  safety.  Even  the  soldiery  encamped 
on  the  adjacent  fields  took  the  alarm,  and,  learn- 
ing the  fatal  tidings,  were  seen  flying  in  every 
direction  before  their  pursuers,  who  in  the  heat 
of  triumph  showed  no  touch  of  mercy.  At  length 
night,  more  pitiful  than  man,  threw  her  friendly 
mantle  over  the  fugitives,  and  the  scattered  troops 
of  Pizarro  rallied  once  more  at  the  sound  of  the 
trumpet  in  the  bloody  square  of  Caxamalca. 

The  number  of  slain  is  reported,  as  usual,  with 
great  discrepancy.     Pizarro's  secretary  says  two 


knowledge  of  the  institutions  of  the  country,  has  obtained  greater 
credit,  even  in  what  relates  to  the  Conquest,  than  the  reports  of  the 
Conquerors  themselves,  has  indulged  in  the  romantic  vein  to  an  un- 
pardonable extent  in  his  account  of  the  capture  of  Atahuallpa.  Ac- 
cording to  him,  the  Peruvian  monarch  treated  the  invaders  from  the 
first  with  supreme  deference,  as  descendants  of  Viracocha,  predicted 
by  his  oracles  as  to  come  and  rule  over  the  land.  But  if  this  flatter- 
ing homage  had  been  paid  by  the  Inca,  it  would  never  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  Conquerors.  Garcilasso  had  read  the  Commentaries 
of  Cort^z,  as  he  somewhere  tells  us;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  gen- 
eral's account,  well  founded,  it  appears,  of  a  similar  superstition 
among  the  Aztecs,  suggested  to  the  historian  the  idea  of  a  correspond- 
ing sentiment  in  the  Peruvians,  which,  while  it  flattered  the  vanity  of 
the  Spaniards,  in  some  degree  vindicated  his  own  countrymen  from 
the  charge  of  cowardice,  incurred  by  their  too  ready  submission;  for, 
however  they  might  be  called  on  to  resist  men,  it  would  have  been 
madness  to  resist  the  decrees  of  Heaven.  Yet  Garcilasso's  romantic 
version  has  something  in  it  so  pleasing  to  the  imagination  that  it  has 
ever  found  favor  with  the  majority  of  readers.  The  English  student 
might  have  met  witli  a  sufficient  corrective  in  the  criticism  of  the  sa- 
gacious and  skeptical  Robertson. 


122  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

thousand  natives  f  ell.^^  A  descendant  of  the  Incas 
— a  safer  authority  than  Garcilasso — swells  the 
number  to  ten  thousand.^^  Truth  is  generally 
found  somewhere  between  the  extremes.  The 
slaughter  was  incessant,  for  there  was  nothing  to 
check  it.  That  there  should  have  been  no  resist- 
ance will  not  appear  strange  when  we  consider  the 
fact  that  the  wretched  victims  were  without  arms, 
and  that  their  senses  must  have  been  completely 
overwhelmed  by  the  strange  and  appalling  spec- 
tacle which  burst  on  them  so  unexpectedly. 
"  What  wonder  was  it,"  said  an  ancient  Inca  to 
a  Spaniard,  who  repeats  it,  "  what  wonder  that 
our  countrymen  lost  their  wits,  seeing  blood  run 
like  water,  and  the  Inca,  whose  person  we  all  of 
us  adore,  seized  and  carried  off  by  a  handful  of 
men  ?  "  ^*      Yet,  though  the  massacre  was  inces- 

**  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  199. 

" "  Los  mataron  &  todos  con  los  Cavallos  con  espadas  con  arca- 
buzes  como  quien  mata  ovejas — sin  hacerles  nadie  resistencia  que  no 
se  escaparon  de  mas  de  diez  mil,  doscientos."  Instruc.  del  Inga  Titu- 
cussi,  MS. — This  document,  consisting  of  two  hundred  folio  pages,  is 
signed  by  a  Peruvian  Inca,  grandson  of  the  great  Huayna  Capac,  and 
nephew,  consequently,  of  Atahuallpa.  It  was  written  in  1570,  and 
designed  to  set  forth  to  his  Majesty  Philip  II.  the  claims  of  Titu- 
cussi  and  the  members  of  his  family  to  the  royal  bounty.  In  the 
course  of  the  Memorial  the  writer  takes  occasion  to  recapitulate  some 
of  the  principal  events  in  the  latter  years  of  the  empire;  and,  though 
suflBciently  prolix  to  tax  even  the  patience  of  Philip  II.,  it  is  of  much 
value  as  an  historical  document,  coming  from  one  of  the  royal  race 
of  Peru. 

"  Montesino.s,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1532. — According  to  Naharro, 
the  Indians  were  less  astounded  by  the  wild  uproar  caused  by  the 
sudden  assault  of  the  Spaniards,  though  "  this  was  such  that  it  seemed 
as  if  the  very  heavens  were  falling,"  than  by  a  terrible  apparition 
which  appeared  in  the  air  during  the  onslaught.  It  consisted  of  a 
woman  and  a  child,  and,  at  their  side,  a  horseman  all  clothed  in  white 
on  a  milk-white  charger,- — doubtless  the  valiant  St.  James, — who,  with 
his  sword  glancing  lightning,  smote  down  the  infidel  host  and   ren- 


1532]  THE    INCA    A    PRISONER  123 

sant,  it  was  short  in  duration.  The  whole  time 
consumed  by  it,  the  brief  twilight  of  the  tropics, 
did  not  much  exceed  half  an  hour;  a  short  period, 
indeed, — yet  long  enough  to  decide  the  fate  of 
Peru  and  to  subvert  the  dynasty  of  the  Incas. 

That  night  Pizarro  kept  his  engagement  with 
the  Inca,  since  he  had  Atahuallpa  to  sup  with  him. 
The  banquet  was  served  in  one  of  the  halls  facing 
the  great  square,  which  a  few  hours  before  had 
been  the  scene  of  slaughter,  and  the  pavement  of 
which  was  still  encumbered  with  the  dead  bodies 
of  the  Inca's  subjects.  The  captive  monarch  was 
placed  next  his  conqueror.  He  seemed  like  one 
who  did  not  yet  fully  comprehend  the  extent  of 
his  calamity.  If  he  did,  he  showed  an  amazing 
fortitude.  "  It  is  the  fortune  of  war,"  he  said ;  ^^ 
and,  if  we  may  credit  the  Spaniards,  he  expressed 
his  admiration  of  the  adroitness  with  which  they 
had  contrived  to  entrap  him  in  the  midst  of  his 
own  troops.^**  He  added  that  he  had  been  made 
acquainted  with  the  progress  of  the  white  men 
from  the  hour  of  their  landing,  but  that  he  had 
been  led  to  undervalue  their  strength  from  the 
insignificance  of  their  numbers.  He  had  no  doubt 
he  should  be  easily  able  to  overpower  them,  on 
their  arrival  at  Caxamalca,  by  his  superior 
strength;    and,  as  he  wished  to  see  for  himself 

dered  them  incapable  of  resistance.  This  miracle  the  good  father 
reports  on  the  testimony  of  three  of  his  Order,  who  were  present  in 
the  action  and  who  received  the  account  from  numbers  of  the  natives. 
Relacion  sumaria,  MS. 

^  "  Diciendo  que  era  iiso  de  Guerra  veneer,  i  ser  vencido."  Her- 
rera.  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  2,  cap.  12. 

**  "  Haciendo  admiracion  de  la  traza  que  tenia  hecha."  Relacion 
del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 


124  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

what  manner  of  men  they  were,  he  had  suffered 
them  to  cross  the  mountains,  meaning  to  select 
such  as  he  chose  for  his  own  service,  and,  getting 
possession  of  their  wonderful  arms  and  horses,  put 
the  rest  to  death.^^ 

That  such  may  have  been  Atahuallpa's  purpose 
is  not  improbable.  It  explains  his  conduct  in  not 
occupying  the  mountain-passes,  which  afforded 
such  strong  points  of  defence  against  invasion. 
But  that  a  prince  so  astute,  as  by  the  general  testi- 
mony of  the  Conquerors  he  is  represented  to  have 
been,  should  have  made  so  impolitic  a  disclosure  of 
his  hidden  motives  is  not  so  probable.  The  inter- 
course with  the  Inca  was  carried  on  chiefly  by 
means  of  the  interpreter  Felipillo,  or  little  Philip, 
as  he  was  called,  from  his  assumed  Christian  name, 
— a  malicious  youth,  as  it  appears,  who  bore  ho 
good  will  to  Atahuallpa,  and  whose  interpretations 
were  readily  admitted  by  the  Conquerors,  eager  to 
find  some  pretext  for  their  bloody  reprisals. 

Atahuallpa,  as  elsewhere  noticed,  was  at  this 
time  about  thirty  years  of  age.  He  was  well  made, 
and  more  robust  than  usual  with  his  countrymen. 
His  head  was  large,  and  his  countenance  might 
have  been  called  handsome,  but  that  his  eyes,  which 
were  blood-shot,  gave  a  fierce  expression  to  his 
features.  He  was  deliberate  in  speech,  grave  in 
manner,  and  towards  his  own  people  stern  even 
to  severity ;  though  with  the  Spaniards  he  showed 

" "  And  in  my  opinion,"  adds  the  Conqueror  who  reports  the 
speech,  "  he  had  good  grounds  for  believing  he  could  do  this,  since 
nothing  but  the  miraculous  interposition  of  Heaven  could  have  saved 
us."    Ibid.,  MS. 


1532]      CONDUCT    OF    THE    CONQUERORS      125 

himself   affable,    sometimes    even    indulging    in 
sallies  of  mirth.^^ 

Pizarro  paid  every  attention  to  his  royal  cap- 
tive, and  endeavored  to  lighten,  if  he  could  not 
dispel,  the  gloom  which,  in  spite  of  his  assumed 
equanimity,  hung  over  the  monarch's  brow.  He 
besought  him  not  to  be  cast  down  by  his  reverses, 
for  his  lot  had  only  been  that  of  every  prince  who 
had  resisted  the  white  men.  They  had  come  into 
the  country  to  proclaim  the  gospel,  the  religion 
of  Jesus  Christ;  and  it  was  no  wonder  they  had 
prevailed,  when  his  shield  was  over  them.  Heaven 
had  permitted  that  Atahuallpa's  pride  should  be 
humbled,  because  of  his  hostile  intentions  towards 
the  Spaniards  and  the  insult  he  had  offered  to  the 
sacred  volume.  But  he  bade  the  Inca  take  cour- 
age and  confide  in  him,  for  the  Spaniards  were 
a  generous  race,  warring  only  against  those  who 
made  war  on  them,  and  showing  grace  to  all  who 
submitted !  ^^  Atahuallpa  may  have  thought  the 
massacre  of  that  day  an  indifferent  commentary 
on  this  vaunted  lenity. 

Before  retiring  for  the  night,  Pizarro  briefly 
addressed  his  troops  on  their  present  situation. 
When  he  had  ascertained  that  not  a  man  was 
wounded,  he  bade  them  offer  up  thanksgivings 
to  Providence  for  so  great  a  miracle;  without  its 
care,  they  could  never  have  prevailed  so  easily 
over  the  host  of  their  enemies ;  and  he  trusted  their 

'-  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  203. 

" "  Nosotros  vsamos  de  piedad  con  nuestros  Eneniigos  venoidos,  i 
no  hacemos  Guerra,  sino  a  los  que  nos  la  hacen,  i  pudiendolos  destruir, 
no  lo  hacemos.  antes  los  perdonamos."  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  199. 


126  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

lives  had  been  reserved  for  still  greater  things. 
But,  if  they  would  succeed,  they  had  much  to  do 
for  themselves.  They  were  in  the  heart  of  a 
powerful  kingdom,  encompassed  by  foes  deeply 
attached  to  their  own  sovereign.  They  must  be 
ever  on  their  guard,  therefore,  and  be  prepared 
at  any  hour  to  be  roused  from  their  slumbers  by 
the  call  of  the  trumpet.^^  Having  then  posted 
his  sentinels,  placed  a  strong  guard  over  the 
apartment  of  Atahuallpa,  and  taken  all  the  pre- 
cautions of  a  careful  commander,  Pizarro  with- 
drew to  repose;  and,  if  he  could  really  feel  that 
in  the  bloody  scenes  of  the  past  day  he  had  been 
fighting  only  the  good  fight  of  the  Cross,  he 
doubtless  slept  sounder  than  on  the  night  pre- 
ceding the  seizure  of  the  Inca. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  first  commands 
of  the  Spanish  chief  were  to  have  the  city  cleansed 
of  its  impurities;  and  the  prisoners,  of  whom 
there  were  many  in  the  camp,  were  employed  to 
remove  the  dead  and  give  them  decent  burial.  His 
next  care  was  to  despatch  a  body  of  about  thirty 
horse  to  the  quarters  lately  occupied  by  Atahu- 
allpa at  the  baths,  to  take  possession  of  the  spoil, 
and  disperse  the  remnant  of  the  Peruvian  forces 
which  still  hung  about  the  place. 

Before  noon,  the  party  which  he  had  despatched 
on  this  service  returned  with  a  large  troop  of 
Indians,  men  and  women,  among  the  latter  of 
whom  were  many  of  the  wives  and  attendants  of 
the  Inca.  The  Spaniards  had  met  with  no  resist- 
ance; since  the  Peruvian  warriors,  though  so  supe- 

"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1532]      CONDUCT    OF    THE    CONQUERORS      127 

rior  in  number,  excellent  in  appointments,  and 
consisting  mostly  of  able-bodied  young  men, — for 
the  greater  part  of  the  veteran  forces  were  with 
the  Inca's  generals  at  the  south, — lost  all  heart  for 
the  moment  of  their  sovereign's  captivity.  There 
was  no  leader  to  take  his  place;  for  they  recog- 
nized no  authority  but  that  of  the  Child  of  the 
Sun,  and  they  seemed  to  be  held  by  a  sort  of 
invisible  charm  near  the  place  of  his  confinement; 
while  they  gazed  with  superstitious  awe  on  the 
white  men  who  could  achieve  so  audacious  an  en- 
terprise.^^ 

The  number  of  Indian  prisoners  was  so  great 
that  some  of  the  Conquerors  were  for  putting 
them  all  to  death,  or,  at  least,  cutting  off  their 
hands,  to  disable  them  from  acts  of  violence  and 
to  strike  terror  into  their  countrymen.^^  The 
proposition,  doubtless,  came  from  the  lowest  and 
most  ferocious  of  the  soldiery.  But  that  it  should 
have  been  made  at  all  shows  what  materials  en- 
tered into  the  composition  of  Pizarro's  company. 
The  chief  rejected  it  at  once,  as  no  less  impolitic 
than  inhuman,  and  dismissed  the  Indians  to  their 

"  From  this  time,  says  Ondegardo,  the  Spaniards,  who  hitherto  had 
been  designated  as  the  "  men  with  beards,"  barbudos,  were  called  by 
the  natives,  from  their  fair-complexion  deity,  Viracochas.  The 
people  of  Cuzco,  who  bore  no  good  will  to  the  captive  Inca,  "  looked 
upon  the  strangers,"  says  the  author,  "  as  sent  by  Viracocha  himself." 
(Rel.  Prim.,  MS.)  It  reminds  us  of  a  superstition,  or  rather  an 
amiable  fancy,  among  the  ancient  Greeks,  that  "  the  stranger  came 
from  Jupiter." 

ITpbs  yap  Aios  eiciv  anavTf^ 
Uelvoi  rt."  OAY2,  f,  V.  S7- 

*• "  Algunos  fueron  de  opinion,  que  matasen  a  todos  los  Hombres 
de  Guerra,  5  les  cortasen  las  manos."  Xerez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  200. 


128  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

several  homes,  with  the  assurance  that  none  should 
be  harmed  who  did  not  offer  resistance  to  the  white 
men.  A  sufficient  number,  however,  were  retained 
to  wait  on  the  Conquerors,  who  were  so  well  pro- 
vided in  this  respect  that  the  most  common  soldier 
was  attended  by  a  retinue  of  menials  that  would 
have  better  suited  the  establishment  of  a  noble.'^ 

The  Spaniards  had  found  immense  droves  of 
llamas  under  the  care  of  the  shepherds  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  baths,  destined  for  the  con- 
sumption of  the  court.  Many  of  them  were  now 
suffered  to  roam  abroad  among  their  native  moun- 
tains ;  though  Pizarro  caused  a  considerable  num- 
ber to  be  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  army.  And 
this  was  no  small  quantity,  if,  as  one  of  the  Con- 
querors says,  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  Peruvian 
sheep  were  frequently  slaughtered  in  a  day.^®  In- 
deed, the  Spaniards  were  so  improvident  in  their 
destruction  of  these  animals  that  in  a  few  years 
the  superb  flocks,  nurtured  with  so  much  care  by 
the  Peruvian  government,  had  almost  disappeared 
from  the  land.^® 

The  party  sent  to  pillage  the  Inca's  pleasure- 
house  brought  back  a  rich  booty  in  gold  and 
silver,  consisting  chiefly  of  plate  for  the  royal 
table,  which  greatly  astonished  the  Spaniards  by 

*' "  Cada  Espafiol  de  los  que  alii  ivan  tomaron  para  si  mui  pran 
cantidad  tanto  que  como  andava  todo  a  rienda  suelta  havia  Espafiol 
que  tenia  docientas  piezas  de  Indios  i  Indias  dc  servicio."  Conq.  i 
Pob.  del  Pini,  MS. 

"  "  Se  matan  cada  Din,  ciento  i  rinquenta."  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  202. 

*•  Cieza  de  Ivcon,  Cronica,  cap.  80. — Ondepardo,  Rel.  Sep.,  MS. — 
"  Hasta  que  los  destruian  todos  sin  haver  Kspanol  ni  Justicia  que  lo 
defendiese  ni  amparase."    Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Pini,  MS. 


i^^^J   CONDUCT  OF  THE  CONQUERORS   129 

their  size  and  weight.  These,  as  well  as  some  large 
emeralds  obtained  there,  together  with  the  precious 
spoils  found  on  the  bodies  of  the  Indian  nobles 
who  had  perished  in  the  massacre,  were  placed  in 
safe  custody,  to  be  hereafter  divided.  In  the  city 
of  Caxamalca,  the  troops  also  found  magazines 
stored  with  goods,  both  cotton  and  woollen,  far 
superior  to  any  they  had  seen,  for  fineness  of 
texture  and  the  skill  with  which  the  various  colors 
were  blended.  They  were  piled  from  the  floors 
to  the  very  roofs  of  the  buildings,  and  in  such 
quantity  that,  after  every  soldier  had  provided 
himself  with  what  he  desired,  it  made  no  sensible 
diminution  of  the  whole  amount."*^ 

Pizarro  would  now  gladly  have  directed  his 
march  on  the  Peruvian  capital.  But  the  distance 
was  great,  and  his  force  was  small.  This  must 
have  been  still  further  crippled  by  the  guard 
required  for  the  Inca,  and  the  chief  feared  to 
involve  himself  deeper  in  a  hostile  empire  so  popu- 
lous and  powerful,  with  a  prize  so  precious  in  his 
keeping.  With  much  anxiety,  therefore,  he  looked 
for  reinforcements  from  the  colonies ;  and  he  de- 
spatched a  courier  to  San  Miguel,  to  inform  the 
Spaniards  there  of  his  recent  successes,  and  to 
ascertain  if  there  had  been  any  arrival  from  Pan- 
ama. Meanwhile  he  employed  his  men  in  making 
Caxamalca  a  more  suitable  residence  for  a  Chris- 
tian host,  by  erecting  a  church,  or,  perhaps,  appro- 

*°  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  ill.  p.  200. — There  was 
enough,  says  the  anonymous  Conqueror,  for  several  ship-loads. 
"  Todas  estas  cosas  de  tiendas  y  ropas  de  lana  y  algodon  eran  en  tan 
gran  cantidad,  que  a  mi  parecer  fueran  menester  muchos  navlos  en 
que  supleran."  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 
Vol.  II.— 9 


130  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

priating  some  Indian  edifice  to  this  use,  in  which 
mass  was  regularly  performed  by  the  Dominican 
fathers  with  great  solemnity.  The  dilapidated 
walls  of  the  city  were  also  restored  in  a  more  sub- 
stantial manner  than  before,  and  every  vestige  was 
soon  effaced  of  the  hurricane  that  had  so  recently 
swept  over  it. 

It  was  not  long  before  AtahuaUpa  discovered, 
amidst  all  the  show  of  religious  zeal  in  his  Con- 
querors, a  lurking  appetite  more  potent  in  most 
of  their  bosoms  than  either  religion  or  ambition. 
This  was  the  love  of  gold.  He  determined  to  avail 
himself  of  it  to  procure  his  own  freedom.  The 
critical  posture  of  his  affairs  made  it  important 
that  this  should  not  be  long  delayed.  His  brother 
Huascar,  ever  since  his  defeat,  had  been  detained 
as  a  prisoner,  subject  to  the  victor's  orders.  He 
was  now  at  Andamarca,  at  no  great  distance  from 
Caxamalca;  and  AtahuaUpa  feared,  with  good 
reason,  that,  when  his  own  imprisonment  was 
known,  Huascar  would  find  it  easy  to  corrupt  his 
guards,  make  his  escape,  and  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  contested  empire  without  a  rival  to 
dispute  it. 

In  the  hope,  therefore,  to  effect  his  purpose  by 
appealing  to  the  avarice  of  his  keepers,  he  one 
day  told  Pizarro  that  if  he  would  set  him  free  he 
would  engage  to  cover  the  floor  of  the  apartment 
on  which  they  stood  with  gold.  Those  present 
listened  with  an  incredulous  smile;  and,  as  the 
Inca  received  no  answer,  he  said,  with  some  em- 
phasis, that  "  he  would  not  merely  cover  the  floor, 
but  would  fill  the  room  with  gold  as  high  as  he 


1532J  PROMISES    OF    THE    INCA  131 

could  reach ;  "  and,  standing  on  tiptoe,  he  stretched 
out  his  hand  against  the  wall.  All  stared  with 
amazement;  while  they  regarded  it  as  the  insane 
boast  of  a  man  too  eager  to  procure  his  liberty  to 
weigh  the  meaning  of  his  words.  Yet  Pizarro  was 
sorely  perplexed.  As  he  had  advanced  into  the 
country,  much  that  he  had  seen,  and  all  that  he 
had  heard,  had  confirmed  the  dazzling  reports  first 
received  of  the  riches  of  Peru.  Atahuallpa  him- 
self had  given  him  the  most  glowing  picture  of 
the  wealth  of  the  capital,  where  the  roofs  of  the 
temples  were  plated  with  gold,  while  the  walls  were 
hung  with  tapestry  and  the  floors  inlaid  with  tiles 
of  the  same  precious  metal.  There  must  be  some 
foundation  for  all  this.  At  all  events,  it  was  safe 
to  accede  to  the  Inca's  proposition;  since  by  so 
doing  he  could  collect  at  once  all  the  gold  at  his 
disposal,  and  thus  prevent  its  being  purloined  or 
secreted  by  the  natives.  He  therefore  acquiesced 
in  Atahuallpa's  offer,  and,  drawing  a  red  line 
along  the  wall  at  the  height  which  the  Inca  had 
indicated,  he  caused  the  terms  of  the  proposal  to 
be  duly  recorded  by  the  notary.  The  apartment 
was  about  seventeen  feet  broad,  by  twenty-two 
feet  long,  and  the  line  round  the  walls  was  nine 
feet  from  the  floor.* ^     This  space  was  to  be  filled 

*'  I  have  adopted  the  dimensions  given  by  the  secretary  Xerez. 
(Conq.  del  Peru,  up.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  202.)  According  to  Her- 
nando Pizarro,  the  apartment  was  nine  feet  high,  but  thirty-five  feet 
long  by  seventeen  or  eighteen  feet  wide.  (Carta,  MS.)  The  most 
moderate  estimate  is  large  enough. — Stevenson  says  that  they  still 
show  "  a  large  room,  part  of  the  old  palace,  and  now  the  residence 
of  the  Cacique  Astopiica,  where  the  ill-fated  Inca  was  kept  a  pris- 
oner;" and  he  adds  that  the  line  traced  on  the  wall  is  still  visible. 
(Residence  in  South  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  163.)     Peru  abounds  in  re- 


132  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

with  gold;  but  it  was  understood  that  the  gold 
was  not  to  be  melted  down  into  ingots,  but  to  re- 
tain the  original  form  of  the  articles  into  which  it 
was  manufactured,  that  the  Inca  might  have  the 
benefit  of  the  space  which  they  occupied.  He 
further  agreed  to  fill  an  adjoining  room  of  smaller 
dimensions  twice  full  with  silver,  in  Uke  manner; 

and  he  demanded  two  months  to  accomplish  all 
this.^2 

No  sooner  was  this  arrangement  made  than  the 
Inca  despatched  couriers  to  Cuzco  and  the  other 
principal  places  in  the  kingdom,  with  orders  that 
the  gold  ornaments  and  utensils  should  be  removed 
from  the  royal  palaces,  and  from  the  temples  and 
other  public  buildings,  and  transported  without 
loss  of  time  to  Caxamalca.  Meanwhile  he  con- 
tinued to  live  in  the  Spanish  quarters,  treated  with 
the  respect  due  to  his  rank,  and  enjoying  all  the 
freedom  that  was  compatible  with  the  security  of 
his  person.    Though  not  permitted  to  go  abroad, 

mains  as  ancient  as  the  Conquest ;  and  it  would  not  be  surprising  that 
the  memory  of  a  place  so  remarkable  as  this  should  be  preserved, — 
though  anything  but  a  memorial  to  be  cherished  by  the  Spaniards. 

"  The  facts  in  the  preceding  paragraph  are  told  with  remarkable 
uniformity  by  the  ancient  chroniclers.  (Conf.  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y  Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  ubi  supra. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  6. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  IH. 
— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec,  5,  lib.  2,  cap.  1.) — Both  Naharro  and 
Herrera  state  expressly  that  Pizarro  promised  the  Inca  his  liberation 
on  fulfilling  the  compact.  This  is  not  confirmed  by  the  other  chron- 
iclers, who,  however,  do  not  intimate  that  the  Spanish  general  de- 
clined the  terms.  And  as  Pizarro,  by  all  accounts,  encouraged  his 
prisoner  to  perform  his  part  of  the  contract,  it  must  have  been  with 
the  understanding  implied,  if  not  expressed,  that  he  would  abide  by 
the  other.  It  is  most  improbable  that  the  Inca  would  have  stripped 
himself  of  his  treasures,  if  he  had  not  so  understood  it. 


1532J  TREATMENT    OF    THE    INCA  133 

his  limbs  were  unshackled,  and  he  had  the  range 
of  his  own  apartments  under  the  jealous  surveil- 
lance of  a  guard,  who  knew  too  well  the  value  of 
the  royal  captive  to  be  remiss.  He  was  allowed 
the  society  of  his  favorite  wives,  and  Pizarro  took 
care  that  his  domestic  privacy  should  not  be  vio- 
lated. His  subjects  had  free  access  to  their  sov- 
ereign, and  every  day  he  received  visits  from  the 
Indian  nobles,  who  came  to  bring  presents  and 
offer  condolence  to  their  unfortunate  master.  On 
such  occasions  the  most  potent  of  these  great  vas- 
sals never  ventured  into  his  presence  without  first 
stripping  off  their  sandals  and  bearing  a  load  on 
their  backs  in  token  of  reverence.  The  Spaniards 
gazed  with  curious  eyes  on  these  acts  of  homage, 
or  rather  of  slavish  submission,  on  the  one  side, 
and  on  the  air  of  perfect  indifference  with  which 
they  were  received,  as  a  matter  of  course,  on  the 
other;  and  they  conceived  high  ideas  of  the  char- 
acter of  a  prince  who,  even  in  his  present  helpless 
condition,  could  inspire  such  feelings  of  awe  in 
his  subjects.  The  royal  levee  was  so  well  attended, 
and  such  devotion  was  shown  by  his  vassals  to  the 
captive  monarch,  as  did  not  fail,  in  the  end,  to 
excite  some  feelings  of  distrust  in  his  keepers.^^ 

Pizarro  did  not  neglect  the  opportunity  afforded 
him  of  communicating  the  truths  of  revelation  to 
his  prisoner,  and  both  he  and  his  chaplain.  Father 
Valverde,  labored  in  the  same  good  work.  Ata- 
huallpa  listened  with  composure  and  apparent 
attention.     But  nothing  seemed  to  move  him  so 

"  Relacion  del  primer  Descub,,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria, 
MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib,  2,  cap.  6. 


134  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

much  as  the  argument  with  which  the  mihtary 
polemic  closed  his  discourse, — that  it  could  not  be 
the  true  God  whom  Atahuallpa  worshipped,  since 
he  had  suffered  him  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  his 
enemies.  The  unhappy  monarch  assented  to  the 
force  of  this,  acknowledging  that  his  Deity  had 
indeed  deserted  him  in  his  utmost  need/* 

Yet  his  conduct  towards  his  brother  Huascar  at 
this  time  too  clearly  proves  that,  whatever  respect 
he  may  have  shown  for  the  teachers,  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity  had  made  little  impression  on  his 
heart.  No  sooner  had  Huascar  been  informed  of 
the  capture  of  his  rival,  and  of  the  large  ransom 
he  had  offered  for  his  deliverance,  than,  as  the 
latter  had  foreseen,  he  made  every  effort  to  regain 
his  liberty,  and  sent,  or  attempted  to  send,  a  mes- 
sage to  the  Spanish  commander,  that  he  would 
pay  a  much  larger  ransom  than  that  promised  by 
Atahuallpa,  who,  never  having  dwelt  in  Cuzco, 
was  ignorant  of  the  quantity  of  treasure  there, 
and  where  it  was  deposited. 

Intelligence  of  all  this  was  secretly  communi- 
cated to  Atahuallpa  by  the  persons  who  had  his 
brother  in  charge;  and  his  jealousy,  thus  roused, 
was  further  heightened  by  Pizarro's  declaration 
that  he  intended  to  have  Huascar  brought  to 
Caxamalca,  where  he  would  himself  examine  into 
the  controversy  and  determine  which  of  the  two 
had  the  better  title  to  the  sceptre  of  the  Incas. 
Pizarro  perceived,  from  the  first,  the  advantages 

** "  I  mas  dijo  Atabalipa,  que  estaba  espantado  de  lo  que  el  Go- 
vernador  le  havia  dicho:  que  bien  oonocia  que  aquel  que  liablaba  en 
8u  Idolo,  no  es  Dios  verdadero,  pues  tan  poco  le  aiud6."  Xerez,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  203. 


1532]  DEATH    OF    HUASCAR  135 

of  a  competition  which  would  enable  him,  by 
throwing  his  sword  into  the  scale  he  preferred,  to 
give  it  a  preponderance.  The  party  who  held  the 
sceptre  by  his  nomination  would  henceforth  be  a 
tool  in  his  hands,  with  which  to  work  his  pleasure 
more  effectually  than  he  could  well  do  in  his  own 
name.  It  was  the  game,  as  every  reader  knows, 
played  by  Edward  the  First  in  the  affairs  of  Scot- 
land, and  by  many  a  monarch  both  before  and 
since;  and,  though  their  examples  may  not  have 
been  familiar  to  the  unlettered  soldier,  Pizarro  was 
too  quick  in  his  perceptions  to  require,  in  this 
matter,  at  least,  the  teachings  of  history. 

Atahuallpa  was  much  alarmed  by  the  Spanish 
commander's  determination  to  have  the  suit  be- 
tween the  rival  candidates  brought  before  him; 
for  he  feared  that,  independently  of  the  merits 
of  the  case,  the  decision  would  be  likely  to  go  in 
favor  of  Huascar,  whose  mild  and  ductile  temper 
would  make  him  a  convenient  instrument  in  the 
hands  of  his  conquerors.  Without  further  hesi- 
tation, he  determined  to  remove  this  cause  of 
jealousy  forever,  by  the  death  of  his  brother. 

His  orders  were  immediately  executed,  and  the 
unhappy  prince  was  drowned,  as  was  commonly 
reported,  in  the  river  of  Andamarca,  declaring 
with  his  dying  breath  that  the  white  men  would 
avenge  his  murder,  and  that  his  rival  would  not 
long  survive  him.^^     Thus  perished  the  unfortu- 

"  Both  the  place  and  the  manner  of  Huascar's  death  are  reported 
with  much  discrepancy  by  the  historians.  All  agree  in  the  one  im- 
portant fact  that  he  died  a  violent  death  at  the  instigation  of  his 
brother.  Conf.  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  2. — Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  204. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 


136  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

nate  Huascar,  the  legitimate  heir  of  the  throne 
of  the  Incas,  in  the  very  morning  of  Hf  e,  and  the 
commencement  of  his  reign;  a  reign,  however, 
which  had  been  long  enough  to  call  forth  the 
display  of  many  excellent  and  amiable  qualities, 
though  his  nature  was  too  gentle  to  cope  with  the 
bold  and  fiercer  temper  of  his  brother.  Such  is 
the  portrait  we  have  of  him  from  the  Indian  and 
Castilian  chroniclers ;  though  the  former,  it  should 
be  added,  were  the  kinsmen  of  Huascar,  and  the 
latter  certainly  bore  no  good  will  to  Atahuallpa.^® 
That  prince  received  the  tidings  of  Huascar 's 
death  with  every  mark  of  surprise  and  indigna- 
tion. He  immediately  sent  for  Pizarro,  and  com- 
municated the  event  to  him  with  expressions  of  the 
deepest  sorrow.  The  Spanish  commander  refused, 
at  first,  to  credit  the  unwelcome  news,  and  bluntly 
told  the  Inca  that  his  brother  could  not  be  dead, 
and  that  he  should  be  answerable  for  his  life.^^ 
To  this  Atahuallpa  replied  by  renewed  assurances 
of  the  fact,  adding  that  the  deed  had  been  perpe- 
trated, without  his  privity,  by  Huascar's  keepers, 
fearful  that  he  might  take   advantage   of  the 

y  Conq.,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  6. — Instruc.  del  Inga  Titucussi,  MS. 

*•  Both  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  and  Titucussi  Yupanqui  were  de- 
scendants from  Huayna  Capac,  of  the  pure  Peruvian  stock,  the  natu- 
ral enemies,  therefore,  of  their  kinsman  of  Quito,  whom  they  re- 
garded as  a  usurper.  Circumstances  brought  the  Castilians  into 
direct  collision  with  Atahuallpa,  and  it  was  natural  they  should 
seek  to  darken  his  reputation  by  contrast  with  the  fair  character  of 
his  rival. 

"  "  Sabido  esto  por  el  Gobernador,  mostr6,  que  le  pesaba  mucho: 
i  dijo  que  era  mentira,  que  no  le  havian  muerto,  que  lo  trujesen  luego 
vivo:  i  sino,  que  ^1  mandaria  matar  k  Atabalipa."  Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  iii.  p.  204. 


1*33]  DEATH    OF    HUASCAR  137 

troubles  of  the  country  to  make  his  escape.  Pi- 
zarro,  on  making  further  inquiries,  found  that  the 
report  of  his  death  was  but  too  true.  That  it 
should  have  been  brought  about  by  Atahuallpa's 
officers  without  his  express  command  would  only 
show  that  by  so  doing  they  had  probably  antici- 
pated their  master's  wishes.  The  crime,  which 
assumes  in  our  eyes  a  deeper  dye  from  the  rela- 
tion of  the  parties,  had  not  the  same  estimation 
among  the  Incas,  in  whose  multitudinous  families 
the  bonds  of  brotherhood  must  have  sat  loosely, 
— ^much  too  loosely  to  restrain  the  arm  of  the 
despot  from  sweeping  away  any  obstacle  that  lay 
in  his  path. 


CHAPTER   VI 

GOLD  ARRIVES  FOR  THE  RANSOM VISIT  TO  PACHA- 

CAMAC DEMOLITION  OF  THE  IDOL THE  INCA'S 

FAVORITE    GENERAL THE    INCa's    LIFE    IN    CON- 
FINEMENT  envoys'     CONDUCT     IN      CUZCO 

ARRIVAL  OF  ALMAGRO 

1533 

SEVERAL  weeks  had  now  passed  since  Ata- 
huallpa's  emissaries  had  been  despatched  for 
the  gold  and  silver  that  were  to  furnish  his  ran- 
som to  the  Spaniards.  But  the  distances  were 
great,  and  the  returns  came  in  slowly.  They  con- 
sisted, for  the  most  part,  of  massive  pieces  of 
plate,  some  of  which  weighed  two  or  three  arro- 
bas, — a  Spanish  weight  of  twenty-five  pounds. 
On  some  days,  articles  of  the  value  of  thirty  or 
forty  thousand  pesos  de  oro  were  brought  in,  and, 
occasionally,  of  the  value  of  fifty  or  even  sixty 
thousand  pesos.  The  greedy  eyes  of  the  Con- 
querors gloated  on  the  shining  heaps  of  treasure, 
which  were  transported  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
Indian  porters,  and,  after  being  carefully  regis- 
tered, were  placed  in  safe  deposit  under  a  strong 
guard.  They  now  began  to  believe  that  the  mag- 
nificent promises  of  the  Inca  would  be  fulfilled. 
But,  as  their  avarice  was  sharpened  by  the  ravish- 
ing display  of  wealth  such  as  they  had  hardly 

138 


1533]  GOLD    FOR    THE    RANSOM  139 

dared  to  imagine,  they  became  more  craving  and 
impatient.  They  made  no  allowance  for  the  dis- 
tance and  the  difficulties  of  the  way,  and  loudly 
inveighed  against  the  tardiness  with  which  the 
royal  commands  were  executed.  They  even  sus- 
pected Atahuallpa  of  devising  this  scheme  only 
to  gain  a  pretext  for  communicating  with  his  sub- 
jects in  distant  places,  and  of  proceeding  as  dila- 
torily as  possible,  in  order  to  secure  time  for  the 
execution  of  his  plans.  Rumors  of  a  rising  among 
the  Peruvians  were  circulated,  and  the  Spaniards 
were  in  apprehension  of  some  general  and  sudden 
assault  on  their  quarters.  Their  new  acquisitions 
gave  them  additional  cause  for  solicitude:  like  a 
miser,  they  trembled  in  the  midst  of  their  treas- 
ures.^ 

Pizarro  reported  to  his  captive  the  rumors  that 
were  in  circulation  among  the  soldiers,  naming,  as 
one  of  the  places  pointed  out  for  the  rendezvous 
of  the  Indians,  the  neighboring  city  of  Huama- 
chuco.  Atahuallpa  listened  with  undisguised  as- 
tonishment, and  indignantly  repelled  the  charge, 
as  false  from  beginning  to  end.  "  No  one  of  my 
subjects,"  said  he,  "  would  dare  to  appear  in  arms, 
or  to  raise  his  finger,  without  my  orders.  You 
have  me,"  he  continued,  "  in  your  power.  Is 
not  my  life  at  your  disposal?  And  what  better 
security  can  you  have  for  my  fidelity?  "  He  then 
represented  to  the  Spanish  commander  that  the 
distances  of  many  of  the  places  were  very  great; 
that  to  Cuzco,  the  capital,  although  a  message 

*  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  6. — Naharro,  Relacion  suraa- 
ria,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  SO-i. 


140  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

might  be  sent  by  post,  through  a  succession  of 
couriers,  in  five  days  from  Caxamalca,  it  would 
require  weeks  for  a  porter  to  travel  over  the  same 
ground  with  a  heavy  load  on  his  back.  "  But,  that 
you  may  be  satisfied  I  am  proceeding  in  good 
faith,"  he  added,  "  I  desire  you  will  send  some  of 
your  own  people  to  Cuzco.  I  will  give  them  a 
safe-conduct,  and,  when  there,  they  can  superin- 
tend the  execution  of  the  commission,  and  see  with 
their  own  eyes  that  no  hostile  movements  are  in- 
tended." It  was  a  fair  offer;  and  Pizarro,  anx- 
ious to  get  more  precise  and  authentic  informa- 
tion of  the  state  of  the  country,  gladly  availed 
himself  of  it.^ 

Before  the  departure  of  these  emissaries,  the 
general  had  despatched  his  brother  Hernando  with 
about  twenty  horse  and  a  small  body  of  infantry 
to  the  neighboring  town  of  Huamachuco,  in  order 
to  reconnoitre  the  country  and  ascertain  if  there 
was  any  truth  in  the  report  of  an  armed  force 
having  assembled  there.  Hernando  found  every 
thing  quiet,  and  met  with  a  kind  reception  from 
the  natives.  But  before  leaving  the  place  he  re- 
ceived further  orders  from  his  brother  to  continue 
his  march  to  Pachacamac,  a  town  situated  on  the 
coast,  at  least  a  hundred  leagues  distant  from 
Caxamalca.  It  was  consecrated  as  the  seat  of  the 
great  temple  of  the  deity  of  that  name,  whom  the 
Peruvians  worshipped  as  the  Creator  of  the  world. 
It  is  said  that  they  found  there  altars  raised  to  this 
god,  on  their  fii'st  occupation  of  the  country ;  and 

'  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap. 
Barcia,  torn.  iii.  pp.  203,  304. — Naharro,  Ilelacion  sumaria,  MS. 


1533]  PACHACAMAC  141 

such  was  the  veneration  in  which  he  was  held  by 
the  natives  that  the  Incas,  instead  of  attempting 
to  abolish  his  worship,  deemed  it  more  prudent  to 
sanction  it  conjointly  with  that  of  their  own  deity, 
the  Sun.  Side  by  side  the  two  temples  rose  on 
the  heights  that  overlooked  the  city  of  Pacha- 
camac,  and  prospered  in  the  offerings  of  their 
respective  votaries.  "  It  was  a  cunning  arrange- 
ment," says  an  ancient  writer,  "  by  which  the  great 
enemy  of  man  secured  to  himself  a  double  harvest 
of  souls."  ^ 

But  the  temple  of  Pachacamac  continued  to 
maintain  its  ascendency ;  and  the  oracles  delivered 
from  its  dark  and  mysterious  shrine  were  held  in 
no  less  repute  among  the  natives  of  Tavantinsuyu 
(or  "the  four  quarters  of  the  world,"  as  Peru 
under  the  Incas  was  called)  than  the  oracles  of 
Delphi  obtained  among  the  Greeks.  Pilgrimages 
Mere  made  to  the  hallowed  spot  from  the  most 
distant  regions,  and  the  city  of  Pachacamac  be- 
came among  the  Peruvians  what  INIecca  was 
among  the  Mahometans.  The  shrine  of  the  deity, 
enriched  by  the  tributes  of  the  pilgrims,  gradually 
became  one  of  the  most  opulent  in  the  land;  and 
Atahuallpa,  anxious  to  collect  his  ransom  as 
speedily  as  possible,  urged  Pizarro  to  send  a  de- 
tachment in  that  direction,  to  secure  the  treasures 
before  they  could  be  secreted  by  the  priests  of  the 
temple. 

It  was   a  journey  of  considerable   difficulty. 

' "  El  demonio  Pachacama  alegre  con  este  concierto,  afirman  que 
mostraua  en  sus  respuestas  gran  contento:  pues  con  lo  vno  y  lo  otro 
era  el  seruido,  y  quedauan  las  animas  de  los  simples  nialauenturados 
presas  en  su  poder."    Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  72. 


142  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Two-thirds  of  the  route  lay  along  the  table-land 
of  the  Cordilleras,  intersected  occasionally  by 
crests  of  the  mountain-range,  that  imposed  no 
slight  impediment  to  their  progress.  Fortu- 
nately, much  of  the  way  they  had  the  benefit  of 
the  great  road  to  Cuzco;  and  "  nothing  in  Chris- 
tendom," exclaims  Hernando  Pizarro,  "  equals 
the  magnificence  of  this  road  across  the  sierra."  * 
In  some  places  the  rocky  ridges  were  so  precipi- 
tous that  steps  were  cut  in  them  for  the  travellers, 
and,  though  the  sides  were  protected  by  heavy 
stone  balustrades  or  parapets,  it  was  with  the 
greatest  difiSculty  that  the  horses  were  enabled  to 
scale  them.  The  road  was  frequently  crossed  by 
streams,  over  which  bridges  of  wood  and  some- 
times of  stone  were  thrown;  though  occasionally, 
along  the  declivities  of  the  mountains,  the  waters 
swept  down  in  such  furious  torrents  that  the  only 
method  of  passing  them  was  by  the  swinging 
bridges  of  osier,  of  which  till  now  the  Spaniards 
had  had  little  experience.*  They  were  secured  on 
either  bank  to  heavy  buttresses  of  stone.  But  as 
they  were  originally  designed  for  nothing  heavier 
than  the  foot-passenger  and  the  llama,  and  as  they 
had  something  exceedingly  fragile  in  their  appear- 
ance, the  Spaniards  hesitated  to  venture  on  them 
with  their  horses.  Experience,  however,  soon 
showed  they  were  capable  of  bearing  a  much 
greater  weight;  and  though  the  traveller,  made 
giddy  by  the  vibration  of  the  long  avenue,  looked 

* "  El  camino  de  las  sierras  es  cosa  de  ver,  porque  en  verdad  en 
tierra  tan  fraposa  en  la  cristiandad  no  se  han  visto  tan  hermosos 
caminos,  toda  la  mayor  parte  de  calzada."    Carta,  MS. 

*  [See  vol.  i.  p.  73,  note. — M.] 


1533J  VISIT    TO    PACHACAMAC  143 

with  a  reeling  brain  into  the  torrent  that  was 
tumbling  at  the  depth  of  a  hundred  feet  or  more 
below  him,  the  whole  of  the  cavalry  effected  their 
passage  without  an  accident.  At  these  bridges,  it 
may  be  remarked,  they  found  persons  stationed 
whose  business  it  was  to  collect  toil  for  the  govern- 
ment from  all  travellers.'^ 

The  Spaniards  were  amazed  by  the  number  as 
weU  as  magnitude  of  the  flocks  of  llamas  which 
they  saw  browsing  on  the  stunted  herbage  that 
grows  in  the  elevated  regions  of  the  Andes. 
Sometimes  they  were  gathered  in  enclosures,  but 
more  usually  were  roaming  at  large  under  the 
conduct  of  their  Indian  shepherds;  and  the  Con- 
querors now  learned,  for  the  first  time,  that  these 
animals  were  tended  with  as  much  care,  and  their 
migrations  as  nicely  regulated,  as  those  of  the  vast 
flocks  of  merinos  in  their  own  country.*^ 

The  table-land  and  its  declivities  were  thickly 
sprinkled  with  hamlets  and  towns,  some  of  them 
of  considerable  size;  and  the  country  in  every 
direction  bore  the  marks  of  a  thrifty  husbandry. 
Fields  of  Indian  corn  were  to  be  seen  in  all  its 

""  Todos  los  arroyos  tienen  piientes  de  piedra  6  de  madera:  en  un 
rio  grande,  que  era  muy  caudaloso  e  muy  grande,  que  pasamos  dos 
veces,  hallamos  puentes  de  red,  que  es  cosa  maravillosa  de  ver;  pasa- 
mos por  ellas  los  caballos;  tienen  en  cada  pasaje  dos  puentes,  la  una 
por  donde  pasa  la  gente  comun,  la  otra  por  donde  pasa  el  senor  de  la 
tierra  6  sus  capitanes:  esta  tienen  siempre  cerrada  ^  Indies  que  la 
guardan ;  estos  indios  cobran  portazgo  de  los  que  pasan."  Carta  de 
Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. — Also  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

°  A  comical  blunder  has  been  made  by  the  printer,  in  M.  Ternaux- 
Compans'  excellent  translation  of  Xerez,  in  the  account  of  this  ex- 
pedition: "On  trouve  sur  toute  la  route  beaucoup  de  pores,  de 
lamas."  (Relation  de  la  Conquete  du  Perou,  p.  157.)  The  substitu- 
tion of  pores  for  pares  might  well  lead  the  reader  into  the  error  of 
supposing  that  swine  existed  in  Peru  before  the  Conquest. 


144  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

different  stages,  from  the  green  and  tender  ear 
to  the  yellow  ripeness  of  harvest-time.  As  they 
descended  into  the  valleys  and  deep  ravines  that 
divided  the  crests  of  the  Cordilleras,  they  were 
surrounded  by  the  vegetation  of  a  warmer  climate, 
which  delighted  the  eye  with  the  gay  livery  of  a 
thousand  bright  colors  and  intoxicated  the  senses 
with  its  perfumes.  Everywhere  the  natural  ca- 
pacities of  the  soil  were  stimulated  by  a  minute 
system  of  irrigation,  which  drew  the  fertilizing 
moisture  from  every  stream  and  rivulet  that  rolled 
dowTi  the  decHvities  of  the  Andes;  while  the  ter- 
raced sides  of  the  mountains  were  clothed  with 
gardens  and  orchards  that  teemed  with  fruits  of 
various  latitudes.  The  Spaniards  could  not  suffi- 
ciently admire  the  industry  with  which  the  natives 
had  availed  themselves  of  the  bounty  of  Nature, 
or  had  supplied  the  deficiency  where  she  had  dealt 
with  a  more  parsimonious  hand. 

Whether  from  the  commands  of  the  Inca,  or 
from  the  awe  which  their  achievements  had  spread 
throughout  the  land,  the  Conquerors  were  re- 
ceived, in  every  place  through  which  they  passed, 
with  hospitable  kindness.  Lodgings  were  pro- 
vided for  them,  with  ample  refreshments  from 
the  well-stored  magazines  distributed  at  intervals 
along  the  route.  In  many  of  the  towns  the  in- 
habitants came  out  to  welcome  them  with  singing 
and  dancing,  and,  when  they  resumed  their  march, 
a  number  of  able-bodied  porters  were  furnished  to 
carry  forward  their  baggage.^ 

^  Carta  de  Hernando  Pizarro,  MS. — Estete,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  pp. 
206,   207. — Relacion   del   primer   Descub.,   MS. — Both   the   last-cited 


1533J  VISIT    TO    PACHACAMAC  146 

At  length,  after  some  weeks  of  travel,  severe 
even  with  all  these  appliances,  Hernando  Pizarro 
arrived  before  the  city  of  Pachacamac.  It  was  a 
place  of  considerable  population,  and  the  edifices 
were,  many  of  them,  substantially  built.  The 
temple  of  the  tutelar  deity  consisted  of  a  vast 
stone  building,  or  rather  pile  of  buildings,  which, 
clustering  around  a  conical  hill,  had  the  air  of  a 
fortress  rather  than  a  religious  establishment. 
But,  though  the  walls  were  of  stone,  the  roof  was 
composed  of  a  light  thatch,  as  usual  in  countries 
where  rain  seldom  or  never  falls,  and  where  de- 
fence, consequently,  is  wanted  chiefly  against  the 
rays  of  the  sun. 

Presenting  himself  at  the  lower  entrance  of  the 
temple,  Hernando  Pizarro  was  refused  admit- 
tance by  the  guardians  of  the  portal.  But,  ex- 
claiming that  "  he  had  come  too  far  to  be  stayed 
by  the  arm  of  an  Indian  priest,"  he  forced  his  way 
into  the  passage,  and,  followed  by  his  men,  wound 
up  the  gallery  which  led  to  an  area  on  the  sum- 
mit of  the  mount,  at  one  end  of  which  stood  a 
sort  of  chapel.  This  was  the  sanctuary  of  the 
dread  deity.  The  door  was  garnished  with  orna- 
ments of  crystal  and  with  turquoises  and  bits  of 
coral.^  Here  again  the  Indians  would  have  dis- 
suaded Pizarro  from  violating  the  consecrated 
precincts,  when  at  that  moment  the  shock  of  an 

author  and  Miguel  Estete,  the  royal  veedor  or  inspector,  accompanied 
Hernando  Pizarro  on  this  expedition,  and,  of  course,  were  eye-wit- 
nesses, like  himself,  of  what  they  relate.  Estete's  narrative  is  incor- 
porated by  the  secretary  Xerez  in  his  own. 

*''Esta  puerta  era  muy  tejida  de  diversas  cosas  de  corales  y  tur- 
quesas  y  cristales  y  otras  cosas."    Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 
Vol.  II.— 10 


146  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

earthquake,  that  made  the  ancient  walls  tremble 
to  their  foundation,  so  alarmed  the  natives,  both 
those  of  Pizarro's  own  company  and  the  people  of 
the  place,  that  they  fled  in  dismay,  nothing  doubt- 
ing that  their  incensed  deity  would  bury  the  in- 
vaders under  the  ruins  or  consume  them  with  his 
lightnings.  But  no  such  terror  found  its  way  into 
the  breasts  of  the  Conquerors,  who  felt  that  here, 
at  least,  they  were  fighting  the  good  fight  of  the 
Faith. 

Tearing  open  the  door,  Pizarro  and  his  party 
entered.  But,  instead  of  a  hall  blazing,  as  they 
had  fondly  imagined,  with  gold  and  precious 
stones,  oiFerings  of  the  worshippers  of  Pacha- 
camac,  they  found  themselves  in  a  small  and  ob- 
scure apartment,  or  rather  den,  from  the  floor 
and  sides  of  which  steamed  up  the  most  ofl'ensive 
odors, — like  those  of  a  slaughter-house.  It  was 
the  place  of  sacrifice.  A  few  pieces  of  gold  and 
some  emeralds  were  discovered  on  the  ground, 
and,  as  their  eyes  became  accommodated  to  the 
darkness,  they  discerned  in  the  most  retired  corner 
of  the  room  the  figure  of  the  deity.  It  was  an  un- 
couth monster,  made  of  wood,  with  the  head  re- 
sembling that  of  a  man.  This  was  the  god 
through  whose  lips  Satan  had  breathed  forth  the 
far-famed  oracles  which  had  deluded  his  Indian 
votaries !  ® 

* "  Aquel  era  Pachacama,  el  cual  les  sanaba  de  sus  enfermedades, 
y  6  lo  que  alll  se  entendirt,  el  Demonio  aparecia  en  aquella  cueba  d 
aquellos  sacerdotes  y  hablaba  con  ellos,  y  estos  entraban  con  las  peti- 
ciones  y  ofrendas  de  los  que  venian  en  romeria,  que  es  cierto  que  del 
todo  el  Sefiorio  de  Atabalica  iban  alii,  como  los  Moros  y  Turcos  van 
d  la  casa  de  Meca."  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Also  Estete, 
ap.  Barcla,  torn.  iii.  p.  209. 


1533J       DESTRUCTION    OF    THE    IDOL  14,7 

Tearing  the  idol  from  its  recess,  the  indignant 
Spaniards  dragged  it  into  the  open  air  and  there 
broke  it  into  a  hundred  fragments.  The  place 
was  then  purified,  and  a  large  cross,  made  of  stone 
and  plaster,  was  erected  on  the  spot.  In  a  few 
years  the  walls  of  the  temple  were  pulled  down 
by  the  Spanish  settlers,  who  found  there  a  con- 
venient quarry  for  their  own  edifices.  But  the 
cross  still  remained  spreading  its  broad  arms  over 
the  ruins.  It  stood  where  it  was  planted  in  the 
very  heart  of  the  stronghold  of  heathendom ;  and, 
while  all  was  in  ruins  around  it,  it  proclaimed  the 
permanent  triumphs  of  the  Faith. 

The  simple  natives,  finding  that  Heaven  had  no 
bolts  in  store  for  the  Conquerors,  and  that  their 
god  had  no  power  to  prevent  the  profanation  of 
his  shrine,  came  in  gradually  and  tendered  their 
homage  to  the  strangers,  whom  they  now  re- 
garded with  feelings  of  superstitious  awe.  Pi- 
zarro  profited  by  this  temper  to  wean  them,  if 
possible,  from  their  idolatry;  and,  though  no 
preacher  himself,  as  he  tells  us,  he  delivered  a 
discourse  as  edifying,  doubtless,  as  could  be  ex- 
pected from  the  mouth  of  a  soldier;  ^^  and,  in 
conclusion,  he  taught  them  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
as  an  inestimable  talisman  to  secure  them  against 
the  future  machinations  of  the  devil.^^ 

But  the  Spanish  commander  was  not  so  ab- 
sorbed in  his  spiritual  labors  as  not  to  have  an 
eye  to  those  temporal  concerns  for  which  he  had 

"  "  £  &  falta  de  predicador  les  hice  mi  sermon,  diciendo  el  engafio 
en  que  vivian."    Carta  de  Hern.  Pizarro,  MS. 

"  Ibid.,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Estete,  ap.  Bar- 
cia,  tom.  iii.  p.  -209. 


148  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

been  sent  to  this  quarter.  He  now  found,  to  his 
chagrin,  that  he  had  come  somewhat  too  late,  and 
that  the  priests  of  Pachacamac,  being  advised  of 
his  mission,  had  secured  much  the  greater  part  of 
the  gold  and  decamped  with  it  before  his  arrival. 
A  quantity  was  afterwards  discovered  buried  in 
the  grounds  adjoining.^ ^  Still,  the  amount  ob- 
tained was  considerable,  falling  little  short  of 
eighty  thousand  castellanos,  a  sum  which  once 
would  have  been  deemed  a  compensation  for 
greater  fatigues  than  they  had  encountered.  But 
the  Spaniards  had  become  familiar  with  gold ;  and 
their  imaginations,  kindled  by  the  romantic  adven- 
tures in  which  they  had  of  late  been  engaged,  in- 
dulged in  visions  which  all  the  gold  of  Peru  would 
scarcely  have  realized. 

One  prize,  however,  Hernando  obtained  by  his 
expedition,  which  went  far  to  console  him  for  the 
loss  of  his  treasure.  While  at  Pachacamac,  he 
learned  that  the  Indian  commander  Challcuchima 
lay  with  a  large  force  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Xauxa,  a  town  of  some  strength  at  a  considerable 
distance  among  the  mountains.  This  man,  who 
was  nearly  related  to  Atahuallpa,  was  his  most 
experienced  general,  and,  together  with  Quizquiz, 
now  at  Cuzco,  had  achieved  those  victories  at  the 
south  which  placed  the  Inca  on  the  throne.  From 
his  birth,  his  talents,  and  his  large  experience,  he 
was  accounted  second  to  no  subject  in  the  king- 

'•  "  Y  andando  los  tiepos  el  capitan  Rodrigo  Orgonez,  y  Francisco 
de  Godoy,  y  otros  sacaron  pra  summa  de  oro  y  plata  de  los  entcrra- 
mientos.  Y  aim  se  presume  y  tiene  por  cierto,  que  ay  mucho  mas: 
pero  como  no  se  sal)e  donde  esta  enterrado,  se  pierde."  Cieza  de 
I/Con,  Cronica,  cap.  12. 


14331  JOURNEY    TO    XAUXA  149 

dom.  Pizarro  was  aware  of  the  importance  of 
securing  his  person.  Finding  that  the  Indian 
noble  declined  to  meet  him  on  his  return,  he  de- 
termined to  march  at  once  on  Xauxa  and  take  the 
chief  in  his  own  quarters.  Such  a  scheme,  con- 
sidering the  enormous  disparity  of  numbers,  might 
seem  desperate  even  for  Spaniards.  But  success 
had  given  them  such  confidence  that  they  hardly 
condescended  to  calculate  chances. 

The  road  across  the  mountains  presented 
greater  difficulties  than  those  on  the  former 
march.  To  add  to  the  troubles  of  the  cavalry, 
the  shoes  of  their  horses  were  worn  out,  and  their 
hoofs  suffered  severely  on  the  rough  and  stony 
ground.  There  was  no  iron  at  hand,  nothing  but 
gold  and  silver.  In  the  present  emergency  they 
turned  even  these  to  account ;  and  Pizarro  caused 
the  horses  of  the  whole  troop  to  be  shod  with  silver. 
The  work  was  done  by  the  Indian  smiths,  and  it 
answered  so  well  that  in  this  precious  material  they 
found  a  substitute  for  iron  during  the  remainder 
of  the  march.^^ 

Xauxa  was  a  large  and  populous  place ;  though 
we  shall  hardly  credit  the  assertion  of  the  Con- 
querors, that  a  hundred  thousand  persons  as- 
sembled habitually  in  the  great  square  of  the 

IS  »»  Hicieron  hacer  herrage  de  herraduras  €  clavos  para  sus  Cabal- 
los  de  Plata,  los  cuales  hicieron  los  cien  Indies  fundidores  muy  buenos 
6  cuantos  quisieron  de  ellos,  con  el  cual  herrage  andubieron  dos 
meses."  (Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  16.) 
The  author  of  the  Relacion  del  primer  Descubrimiento,  MS.,  says 
they  shod  the  horses  with  silver  and  copper.  And  another  of  the 
Peri;vian  Conquerors  assures  us  they  used  gold  and  silver.  (Re- 
latione d'un  Capitano  Spagnuolo  ap.  Ramusio,  Navigationi  et  Viaggi, 
Venetia,  1565,  torn.  iii.  fol.  376.)     All  agree  as  to  the  silver. 


150  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

city/*  *  The  Peruvian  commander  was  en- 
camped, it  was  said,  with  an  army  of  five-and- 
thirty  thousand  men,  at  only  a  few  miles'  distance 
from  the  town.  With  some  difficulty  he  was  per- 
suaded to  an  interview  with  Pizarro.  The  latter 
addressed  him  courteously,  and  urged  his  return 
with  him  to  the  Castilian  quarters  in  Caxamalca, 
representing  it  as  the  command  of  the  Inca.  Ever 
since  the  capture  of  his  master,  Challcuchima  had 
remained  uncertain  what  course  to  take.  The  cap- 
ture of  the  Inca  in  this  sudden  and  mysterious 
manner  by  a  race  of  beings  who  seemed  to  have 
dropped  from  the  clouds,  and  that  too  in  the  very 
hour  of  his  triumph,  had  entirely  bewildered  the 
Peruvian  chief.  He  had  concerted  no  plan  for 
the  rescue  of  Atahuallpa,  nor,  indeed,  did  he  know 
whether  any  such  movement  would  be  acceptable 
to  him.  He  now  acquiesced  in  his  commands,  and 
was  willing,  at  all  events,  to  have  a  personal  inter- 
view with  his  sovereign.  Pizarro  gained  his  end 
without  being  obliged  to  strike  a  single  blow  to 
effect  it.  The  barbarian,  when  brought  into  con- 
tact with  the  white  man,  would  seem  to  have  been 
rebuked  by  his  superior  genius,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  wild  animal  of  the  forest  is  said  to  quail 
before  the  steady  glance  of  the  hunter. 

Challcuchima  came  attended  by  a  numerous  ret- 
inue.   He  was  borne  in  his  sedan  on  the  shoulders 

" "  Era  mucha  la  Gente  de  aquel  Pueblo,  i  de  sus  Comarcas,  que 
al  parecer  de  los  Espafioles,  se  juntaban  cada  Dia  en  la  Pla^a  Princi- 
pal cien  mil  Personas."     Estate,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  230. 

•  [Its  population  may  now  be  3000  or  4000.  It  is  quite  impossible 
tliat  100,000  persons  ever  assembled  in  the  great  plaza. — M.] 


I5:i3j         THE    INCA    IN    CONFINEIVIENT  161 

of  his  vassals,  and,  as  he  accompanied  the  Span- 
iards on  their  return  through  the  country,  received 
everywhere  from  the  inhabitants  the  homage  paid 
only  to  the  favorite  of  a  monarch.  Yet  all  this 
pomp  vanished  on  his  entering  the  presence  of  the 
Inca,  whom  he  approached  with  his  feet  bare, 
while  a  light  burden,  which  he  had  taken  from  one 
of  the  attendants,  was  laid  on  his  back.  As  he  drew 
near,  the  old  warrior,  raising  his  hands  to  heaven, 
exclaimed,  **  Would  that  I  had  been  here! — this 
would  not  then  have  happened;  "  then,  kneeling 
down,  he  kissed  the  hands  and  feet  of  his  royal 
master  and  bathed  them  with  his  tears.  Atahu- 
allpa,  on  his  part,  betrayed  not  the  least  emotion, 
and  showed  no  other  sign  of  satisfaction  at  the 
presence  of  his  favorite  counsellor  than  by  simply 
bidding  him  welcome.  The  cold  demeanor  of  the 
monarch  contrasted  strangely  with  the  loyal  sensi- 
bility of  the  subject.^ ^ 

The  rank  of  the  Inca  placed  him  at  an  immeas- 
urable distance  above  the  proudest  of  his  vassals; 
and  the  Spaniards  had  repeated  occasion  to  ad- 
mire the  ascendency  which,  even  in  his  present 
fallen  fortunes,  he  maintained  over  his  people, 
and  the  awe  with  which  they  approached  him. 
Pedro  Pizarro  records  an  interview,  at  which  he 
was  present,  between  Atahuallpa  and  one  of  his 
great  nobles,  who  had  obtained  leave  to  visit  some 
remote  part  of  the  country  on  condition  of  return- 
ing by  a  certain  day.    He  was  detained  somewhat 

*°  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — "  The  like  of  it,"  exclaims 
Estete,  "  was  never  before  seen  since  the  Indies  were  discovered." 
Ibid.,  p.  231. 


152  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

beyond  the  appointed  time,  and  on  entering  the 
presence  with  a  small  propitiatory  gift  for  his  sov- 
ereign his  knees  shook  so  violently  that  it  seemed, 
says  the  chronicler,  as  if  he  would  have  fallen  to 
the  ground.  His  master,  however,  received  him 
kindly,  and  dismissed  him  without  a  word  of  re- 
buke/« 

Atahuallpa  in  his  confinement  continued  to  re- 
ceive the  same  respectful  treatment  from  the 
Spaniards  as  hitherto.  They  taught  him  to  play 
with  dice,  and  the  more  intricate  game  of  chess, 
in  which  the  royal  captive  became  expert,  and 
loved  to  beguile  with  it  the  tedious  hours  of  his 
imprisonment.  Towards  his  own  people  he  main- 
tained as  far  as  possible  his  wonted  state  and  cere- 
monial. He  was  attended  by  his  wives  and  the 
girls  of  his  harem,  who,  as  was  customary,  waited 
on  him  at  table  and  discharged  the  other  menial 
offices  about  his  person.  A  body  of  Indian  nobles 
were  stationed  in  the  antechamber,  but  never  en- 
tered the  presence  unbidden;  and  when  they  did 
enter  it  they  submitted  to  the  same  humiliating 
ceremonies  imposed  on  the  greatest  of  his  subjects. 
The  service  of  his  table  was  gold  and  silver  plate. 
His  dress,  which  he  often  changed,  was  composed 
of  the  wool  of  the  vicuna  wrought  into  mantles, 
so  fine  that  it  had  the  appearance  of  silk.  He 
sometimes  exchanged  these  for  a  robe  made  of 
the  skins  of  bats,  as  soft  and  sleek  as  velvet. 
Round  his  head  he  wore  the  llautu,  a  woollen  tur- 
ban or  shawl  of  the  most  delicate  texture,  wreathed 
in  folds  of  various  bright  colors ;  and  he  still  con- 

'•  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1533]  THE    ENVOYS    IN    CUZCO  153 

tinued  to  encircle  his  temples  with  the  horla^  the 
crimson  threads  of  which,  mingled  with  gold,  de- 
scended so  as  partly  to  conceal  his  eyes.  The 
image  of  royalty  had  charms  for  him,  when  its 
substance  had  departed.  No  garment  or  utensil 
that  had  once  belonged  to  the  Peruvian  sovereign 
could  ever  be  used  by  another.  When  he  laid  it 
aside,  it  was  carefully  deposited  in  a  chest,  kept 
for  the  purpose,  and  afterwards  burned.  It  would 
have  been  sacrilege  to  apply  to  vulgar  uses  that 
which  had  been  consecrated  by  the  touch  of  the 
Inca.^^ 

Not  long  after  the  arrival  of  the  party  from 
Pachacamac,  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  the  three 
emissaries  returned  from  Cuzco.  They  had  been 
very  successful  in  their  mission.  Owing  to  the 
Inca's  order,  and  the  awe  which  the  white  men 
now  inspired  throughout  the  country,  the  Span- 
iards had  everywhere  met  with  a  kind  reception. 
They  had  been  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
natives  in  the  hamacas,  or  sedans,  of  the  country; 
and,  as  they  had  travelled  all  the  way  to  the  capital 
on  the  great  imperial  road,  along  which  relays  of 
Indian  carriers  were  established  at  stated  inter- 
vals, they  performed  this  journey  of  more  than 
six  hundred  miles,  not  only  without  inconvenience, 
but  with  the  most  luxurious  ease.  They  passed 
through  many  populous  towns,  and  always 
found  the  simple  natives  disposed  to  venerate 
them  as  beings  of  a  superior  nature.     In  Cuzco 

"  This  account  of  the  personal  habits  of  Atahuallpa  is  taken  from 
Pedro  Pizarro,  who  saw  him  often  in  his  confinement.  As  his  curious 
narrative  is  little  known,  I  have  extracted  the  original  in  Appendix 
No.  9. 


154  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

they  were  received  with  public  festivities,  were 
sumptuously  lodged,  and  had  every  want  antici- 
pated by  the  obsequious  devotion  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. 

Their  accounts  of  the  capital  confirmed  all  that 
Pizarro  had  before  heard  of  the  wealth  and  popu- 
lation of  the  city.  Though  they  had  remained 
more  than  a  week  in  this  place,  the  emissaries  had 
not  seen  the  whole  of  it.  The  great  temple  of 
the  Sun  they  found  literally  covered  with  plates 
of  gold.  They  had  entered  the  interior  and  beheld 
the  royal  mummies,  seated  each  in  his  gold-em- 
bossed chair  and  in  robes  profusely  covered  with 
ornaments.  The  Spaniards  had  the  grace  to  re- 
spect these,  as  they  had  been  previously  enjoined 
by  the  Inca;  but  they  required  that  the  plates 
which  garnished  the  walls  should  be  all  removed. 
The  Peruvians  most  reluctantly  acquiesced  in  the 
commands  of  their  sovereign  to  desecrate  the 
national  temple,  which  every  inhabitant  of  the 
city  regarded  with  peculiar  pride  and  veneration. 
With  less  reluctance  they  assisted  the  Conquerors 
in  stripping  the  ornaments  from  some  of  the 
other  edifices,  where  the  gold,  however,  being  mixed 
with  a  larger  proportion  of  alloy,  was  of  much 
less  value. ^^ 

The  number  of  plates  they  tore  from  the  temple 
of  the  Sun  was  seven  hundred ;  and  though  of  no 
great  thickness,  probably,  they  are  compared  in 
size  to  the  lid  of  a  chest,  ten  or  twelve  inches 

"  Rel.  d'un  Capitano  Spapn.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  375. — Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  2, 
cap.  12,  13. 


1*33]         ENVOY'S    CONDUCT    IN    CUZCO  155 

wide.^°  A  cornice  of  pure  gold  encircled  the 
edifice,  but  so  strongly  set  in  the  stone  that  it 
fortunately  defied  the  efforts  of  the  spoilers.  The 
Spaniards  complained  of  the  want  of  alacrity 
shown  by  the  Indians  in  the  work  of  destruction, 
and  said  that  there  were  other  parts  of  the  city 
containing  buildings  rich  in  gold  and  silver  which 
they  had  not  been  allowed  to  see.  In  truth,  their 
mission,  which  at  best  was  a  most  ungrateful  one, 
had  been  rendered  doubly  annoying  by  the  manner 
in  which  they  had  executed  it.  The  emissaries 
were  men  of  a  very  low  stamp,  and,  puffed  up 
by  the  honors  conceded  to  them  by  the  natives, 
they  looked  on  themselves  as  entitled  to  these,  and 
contemned  the  poor  Indians  as  a  race  immeas- 
urably beneath  the  European.  They  not  only 
showed  the  most  disgusting  rapacity,  but  treated 
the  highest  nobles  with  wanton  insolence.  They 
even  went  so  far,  it  is  said,  as  to  violate  the  pri- 
vacy of  the  convents,  and  to  outrage  the  religious 
sentiments  of  the  Peruvians  by  their  scandalous 
amours  with  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun.  The  people 
of  Cuzco  were  so  exasperated  that  they  would 
have  laid  violent  hands  on  them,  but  for  their 
habitual  reverence  for  the  Inca,  in  whose  name 
the  Spaniards  had  come  there.  As  it  was,  the 
Indians  collected  as  much  gold  as  w^as  necessary 
to  satisfy  their  unworthy  visitors,  and  got  rid  of 
them  as  speedily  as  possible.^^  It  was  a  great  mis- 
take in  Pizarro  to  send  such  men.     There  were 

"  "  I  de  las  Chapas  de  oro,  que  esta  Casa  tenia,  quitaron  setecientas 
Plaiichas  .  .  .  a  nianera  de  Tahlas  de  Caxas  de  a  tres,  i  a  quatro 
palmos  de  largo."    Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  232. 

"*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  ubi  supra. 


156  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

persons,  even  in  his  company,  who,  as  other  occa- 
sions showed,  had  some  sense  of  self-respect,  if  not 
respect  for  the  natives. 

The  messengers  brought  with  them,  besides 
silver,  full  two  hundred  car  gas  or  loads  of  gold.^^ 
This  was  an  important  accession  to  the  contribu- 
tions of  Atahuallpa;  and,  although  the  treasure 
was  still  considerably  below  the  mark  prescribed, 
the  monarch  saw  with  satisfaction  the  time  draw- 
ing nearer  for  the  completion  of  his  ransom. 

Not  long  before  this,  an  event  had  occurred 
which  changed  the  condition  of  the  Spaniards  and 
had  an  unfavorable  influence  on  the  fortunes  of 
the  Inca.  This  was  the  arrival  of  Almagro  at 
Caxamalca,  with  a  strong  reinforcement.  That 
chief  had  succeeded,  after  great  efforts,  in 
equipping  three  vessels  and  assembling  a  body 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  with  which  he 
sailed  from  Panama  the  latter  part  of  the  pre- 
ceding year.  On  his  voyage  he  was  joined  by  a 
small  additional  force  from  Nicaragua,  so  that 
his  whole  strength  amounted  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty  foot  and  fifty  horse,  well  provided  with  the 
munitions  of  war.  His  vessels  were  steered  by  the 
old  pilot  Ruiz;  but,  after  making  the  Bay  of  St. 
Matthew,  he  crept  slowly  along  the  coast,  baffled 
as  usual  by  winds  and  currents,  and  experiencing 

"So  says  Pizarro's  secretary:  "I  vinieron  docientas  cargas  de 
Oro,  i  veinte  i  cinco  de  Plata."  (Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia, 
ubi  supra.)  A  load,  he  says,  was  brought  by  four  Indians.  "Cargas 
de  Paligueres,  que  las  traen  quatro  Indios."  The  meaning  of  pali- 
gueres — not  a  Spanish  word — is  doubtful.  Ternaux-Compans  sup- 
poses, ingeniously  enough,  that  it  may  have  something  of  the  same 
meaning  with  palanquin,  to  which  it  bears  some  resemblance. 


1*33]  ARRIVAL    OF    ALMAGRO  167 

all  the  hardships  incident  to  that  protracted  navi- 
gation. From  some  cause  or  other,  he  was  not  so 
fortunate  as  to  obtain  tidings  of  Pizarro;  and  so 
disheartened  were  his  followers,  most  of  whom 
were  raw  adventurers,  that  when  arrived  at  Puerto 
Vie  jo  they  proposed  to  abandon  the  expedition 
and  return  at  once  to  Panama.  Fortunately,  one 
of  the  little  squadron  which  Almagro  had  sent 
forward  to  Tumbez  brought  intelligence  of  Pi- 
zarro and  of  the  colony  he  had  planted  at  San 
Miguel.  Cheered  by  the  tidings,  the  cavalier  re- 
sumed his  voyage,  and  succeeded  at  length,  to- 
wards the  close  of  December,  1532,  in  bringing  his 
whole  party  safe  to  the  Spanish  settlement. 

He  there  received  the  account  of  Pizarro's 
march  across  the  mountains,  his  seizure  of  the 
Inca,  and,  soon  afterwards,  of  the  enormous  ran- 
som offered  for  his  liberation.  Almagro  and  his 
companions  listened  with  undisguised  amazement 
to  this  account  of  his  associate,  and  of  a  change  in 
his  fortunes  so  rapid  and  wonderful  that  it  seemed 
little  less  than  magic.  At  the  same  time  he  re- 
ceived a  caution  from  some  of  the  colonists  not  to 
trust  himself  in  the  power  of  Pizarro,  who  was 
known  to  bear  him  no  good  will. 

Not  long  after  Almagro's  arrival  at  San 
Miguel,  advices  were  sent  of  it  to  Caxamalca, 
and  a  private  note  from  his  secretary  Perez  in- 
formed Pizarro  that  his  associate  had  come  with 
no  purpose  of  co-operating  with  him,  but  with  the 
intention  to  establish  an  independent  government. 
Both  of  the  Spanish  captains  seem  to  have  been 
surrounded  by  mean  and  turbulent  spirits,  who 


158  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

sought  to  embroil  them  with  each  other,  trusting, 
doubtless,  to  find  their  own  account  in  the  rupture. 
For  once,  however,  their  mahcious  machinations 
failed. 

Pizarro  was  overjoyed  at  the  arrival  of  so  con- 
siderable a  reinforcement,  which  would  enable  him 
to  push  his  fortunes  as  he  had  desired,  and  go 
forward  with  the  conquest  of  the  country.  He 
laid  little  stress  on  the  secretary's  communication, 
since,  whatever  might  have  been  Almagro's  origi- 
nal purpose,  Pizarro  knew  that  the  richness  of  the 
vein  he  had  now  opened  in  the  land  would  be  cer- 
tain to  secure  his  co-operation  in  working  it.  He 
had  the  magnanimity,  therefore, — for  there  is 
something  magnanimous  in  being  able  to  stifle 
the  suggestions  of  a  petty  rivalry  in  obedience 
to  sound  policy, — to  send  at  once  to  his  ancient 
comrade,  and  invite  him,  with  many  assurances  of 
friendship,  to  Caxamalca.  Almagro,  who  was  of  a 
frank  and  careless  nature,  received  the  communi- 
cation in  the  spirit  in  which  it  was  made,  and,  after 
some  necessary  delay,  directed  his  march  into  the 
interior.  But  before  leaving  San  Miguel,  having 
become  acquainted  with  the  treacherous  conduct 
of  his  secretary,  he  recompensed  his  treason  by 
hanging  him  on  the  spot.^^ 

Almagro  reached  Caxamalca  about  the  middle 
of  February,  1533.  The  soldiers  of  Pizarro  came 
out  to  welcome  their  countrymen,  and  the  two 
captains  embraced  each  other  with  every  mark  of 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  pp.  204,  205.^ — Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Conq.  i 
Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  1. 


1^33]  ARRIVAL    OF    ALMAGRO  159 

cordial  satisfaction.  All  past  differences  were 
buried  in  oblivion,  and  they  seemed  only  prepared 
to  aid  one  another  in  following  up  the  brilliant 
career  now  opened  to  them  in  the  conquest  of  an 
empire. 

There  was  one  person  in  Caxamalca  on  whom 
this  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  produced  a  very  dif- 
ferent impression  from  that  made  on  their  own 
countrymen.  This  was  the  Inca  Atahuallpa.  He 
saw  in  the  newcomers  only  a  new  swarm  of  locusts 
to  devour  his  unhappy  country ;  and  he  felt  that, 
with  his  enemies  thus  multiplying  around  him,  the 
chances  were  diminished  of  recovering  his  free- 
dom, or  of  maintaining  it  if  recovered.  A  little 
circumstance,  insignificant  in  itself,  but  magnified 
by  superstition  into  something  formidable,  oc- 
curred at  this  time  to  cast  an  additional  gloom 
over  his  situation. 

A  remarkable  appearance,  somewhat  of  the 
nature  of  a  meteor,  or  it  may  have  been  a  comet, 
was  seen  in  the  heavens  by  some  soldiers  and 
pointed  out  to  Atahuallpa.  He  gazed  on  it  with 
fixed  attention  for  some  minutes,  and  then  ex- 
claimed, with  a  dejected  air,  that  "  a  similar  sign 
had  been  seen  in  the  skies  a  short  time  before  the 
death  of  his  father  Huayna  Capac."  ^^  From 
this  day  a  sadness  seemed  to  take  possession  of 
him,  as  he  looked  w^ith  doubt  and  undefined  dread 
to  the  future.  Thus  it  is  that  in  seasons  of  danger 
the  mind,  like  the  senses,  becomes  morbidly  acute 
in  its  perceptions,  and  the  least  departure  from 

"  Rel.   d'un   Capitano   Spagn.,   ap.   Ramusio,   torn.   iii.   fol.   377. — 
Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  65. 


160  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  regular  course  of  nature,  that  would  have 
passed  unheeded  in  ordinary  times,  to  the  super- 
stitious eye  seems  pregnant  with  meaning,  as  in 
some  way  or  other  connected  with  the  destiny  of 
the  individual. 


CHAPTER   VII 

IMMENSE    AMOUNT    OF    TREASURE  —  ITS    DIVISION 

AMONG    THE    TROOPS RUMORS   OF   A   RISING  — 

TRIAL  OF  THE  INCA — HIS  EXECUTION — REFLEC- 
TIONS 

1533 

THE  arrival  of  Almagro  produced  a  consider- 
able change  in  Pizarro's  prospects,  since  it 
enabled  him  to  resume  active  operations  and  push 
forward  his  conquests  in  the  interior.  The  only 
obstacle  in  his  way  was  the  Inca's  ransom,  and  the 
Spaniards  had  patiently  waited,  till  the  return  of 
the  emissaries  from  Cuzco  swelled  the  treasure  to 
a  large  amount,  though  still  below  the  stipulated 
limit.  But  now  their  avarice  got  the  better  of 
their  forbearance,  and  they  called  loudly  for  the 
immediate  division  of  the  gold.  To  wait  longer 
would  only  be  to  invite  the  assault  of  their  ene- 
mies, allured  by  a  bait  so  attractive.  While  the 
treasure  remained  uncounted,  no  man  knew  its 
value,  nor  what  was  to  be  his  own  portion.  It 
was  better  to  distribute  it  at  once,  and  let  every 
one  possess  and  defend  his  own.  Several,  more- 
over, w^ere  now  disposed  to  return  home  and  take 
their  share  of  the  gold  with  them,  where  they 
could  place  it  in  safety.  But  these  w^ere  few; 
while  much  the  larger  part  were  only  anxious  to 
leave  their  present  quarters  and  march  at  once  to 
Cuzco.     INIore  gold,  they  thought,  awaited  them 

Vol.  II.— 11  161 


162  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

in  that  capital  than  they  could  get  here  by  pro- 
longing their  stay ;  while  every  hour  was  precious, 
to  prevent  the  inhabitants  from  secreting  their 
treasures,  of  which  design  they  had  already  given 
indication. 

Pizarro  was  especially  moved  by  the  last  con- 
sideration ;  and  he  felt  that  without  the  capital  he 
could  not  hope  to  become  master  of  the  empire. 
Without  further  delay,  the  division  of  the  treasure 
was  agreed  upon. 

Yet,  before  making  this,  it  was  necessary  to  re- 
duce the  whole  to  ingots  of  a  uniform  standard, 
for  the  spoil  was  composed  of  an  infinite  variety 
of  articles,  in  which  the  gold  was  of  very  different 
degrees  of  purity.  These  articles  consisted  of 
goblets,  ewers,  salvers,  vases  of  every  shape  and 
size,  ornaments  and  utensils  for  the  temples  and 
the  royal  palaces,  tiles  and  plates  for  the  decora- 
tion of  the  public  edifices,  curious  imitations  of 
different  plants  and  animals.  Among  the  plants, 
the  most  beautiful  was  the  Indian  corn,  in  which 
the  golden  ear  was  sheathed  in  its  broad  leaves  of 
silver,  from  which  hung  a  rich  tassel  of  threads  of 
the  same  precious  metal.  A  fountain  was  also 
much  admired,  which  sent  up  a  sparkling  jet  of 
gold,  while  birds  and  animals  of  the  same  material 
played  in  the  waters  at  its  base.  The  delicacy  of 
the  workmanship  of  some  of  these,  and  the  beauty 
and  ingenuity  of  the  design,  attracted  the  admira- 
tion of  better  judges  than  the  rude  Conquerors  of 
Peru.^ 

'  Relatione  de  Pedro  Sancho,  ap.  Ramusio,  Viagpi,  torn.  iii.  fol. 
399. — Xerez,  Conq.  del   Peru,  ap.   Barcia,  torn.   iii.  p.  233. — Zarate, 


15331        DIVISION    OF    THE    TREASURE         163 

Before  breaking  up  these  specimens  of  Indian 
art,  it  was  determined  to  send  a  quantity,  which 
should  be  deducted  from  the  royal  fifth,  to  the 
emperor^  It  would  serve  as  a  sample  of  the  in- 
genuity of  the  natives,  and  would  show  him  the 
value  of  his  conquests.  A  number  of  the  most 
beautiful  articles  was  selected,  of  the  value  of  a 
hundred  thousand  ducats,  and  Hernando  Pizarro 
was  appointed  to  be  the  bearer  of  them  to  Spain. 
He  was  to  obtain  an  audience  of  Charles,  and  at 
the  same  time  that  he  laid  the  treasures  before  him 
he  was  to  give  an  account  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  Conquerors,  and  to  seek  a  further  augmenta- 
tion of  their  powers  and  dignities. 

No  man  in  the  army  was  better  qualified  for  this 
mission,  by  his  address  and  knowledge  of  affairs, 
than  Hernando  Pizarro ;  no  one  would  be  so  likely 
to  urge  his  suit  with  effect  at  the  haughty  Cas- 
tilian  court.  But  other  reasons  influenced  the 
selection  of  him  at  the  present  juncture. 

His  former  jealousy  of  Almagro  still  rankled 
in  his  bosom,  and  he  had  beheld  that  chief's  arrival 
at  the  camp  with  feelings  of  disgust,  which  he  did 
not  care  to  conceal.  He  looked  on  him  as  coming 
to  share  the  spoils  of  victory  and  defraud  his 
brother  of  his  legitimate  honors.  Instead  of  ex- 
changing the  cordial  greetings  proffered  by  Al- 
magro at  their  first  interview,  the  arrogant  cava- 
lier  held   back   in   sullen   silence.      His   brother 

Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. — Oviedo  saw  at  St.  Domingo  the  articles 
which  Hernando  Pizarro  was  bearing  to  Castile;  and  he  expatiates 
on  several  beautifully  wrought  vases,  richly  chased,  of  very  fine  gold, 
and  measuring  twelve  inches  in  height  and  thirty  round.  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  16. 


164  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Francis  was  greatly  displeased  at  conduct  which 
threatened  to  renew  their  ancient  feud,  and  he 
induced  Hernando  to  accompany  him  to  Alma- 
gro's  quarters  and  make  some  acknowledgment 
for  his  uncourteous  behavior.^  But,  notwithstand- 
ing this  show  of  reconciliation,  the  general  thought 
the  present  a  favorable  opportunity  to  remove  his 
brother  from  the  scene  of  operations,  where  his 
factious  spirit  more  than  counterbalanced  his  emi- 
nent services.^ 

The  business  of  melting  down  the  plate  was  in- 
trusted to  the  Indian  goldsmiths,  who  were  thus 
required  to  undo  the  work  of  their  own  hands. 
They  toiled  day  and  night,  but  such  was  the  quan- 
tity to  be  recast  that  it  consumed  a  full  month. 
When  the  whole  was  reduced  to  bars  of  a  uniform 
standard,  they  were  nicely  weighed,  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  royal  inspectors.  The 
total  amount  of  the  gold  was  found  to  be  one 
million  three  hundred  and  twenty-six  thousand 
five  hundred  and  thirty-nine  pesos  de  oro,  which, 
allowing  for  the  greater  value  of  money  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  which  would  be  equivalent, 
probably,  at  the  present  time,  to  near  three  mil- 
lions and  a  half  of  pounds  sterling,  or  somewhat 
less  than  fifteen  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars.* 

*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  2,  cap.  3. 

*  According  to  Oviedo,  it  was  agreed  that  Hernando  should  have  a 
share  much  larger  than  he  was  entitled  to  of  the  Inca's  ransom,  in 
the  hope  that  he  would  feel  so  rich  as  never  to  desire  to  return  again 
to  Peru:  "  Trabajaron  de  le  embiar  rico  por  quitarle  de  entre  ellos,  y 
porque  yendo  muy  rico  como  fue  no  tubiese  voluntnd  de  tornar  & 
aquellas  partes."     Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  16. 

*  Acta  de  Reparticion  del  Ilescate  de  Atahuallpa,  MS. — Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  232. — In  reducing  the  sums 


1533]    IMMENSE    AMOUNT    OF    TREASURE    1G5 

The  quantity  of  silver  was  estimated  at  fifty-one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  ten  marks.     History 

mentioned  in  this  work,  I  have  availed  myself — as  I  before  did,  in  the 
History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico — of  the  labors  of  Seilor  Cle- 
mencin,  formerly  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  History  at 
Madrid.  This  eminent  scholar,  in  the  sixth  volume  of  the  Memoirs 
of  the  Academy,  prepared  wholly  by  himself,  has  introduced  an  elab- 
orate essay  on  the  value  of  the  currency  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella.  Although  this  period — the  close  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury— was  somewhat  earlier  than  that  of  the  Conquest  of  Peru,  yet 
his  calculations  are  sufficiently  near  the  truth  for  our  purpose,  since 
the  Spanish  currency  had  not  as  yet  been  much  affected  by  that  dis- 
turbing cause,  the  influx  of  the  precious  metals  from  the  New  World. 
In  inquiries  into  the  currency  of  a  remote  age,  we  may  consider,  in 
the  first  place,  the  specific  value  of  the  coin, — that  is,  the  value  which 
it  derives  from  the  weight,  purity,  etc.,  of  the  metal,  circumstances 
easily  determined.  In  the  second  place,  we  may  inquire  into  the 
commercial  or  comparative  worth  of  the  money, — that  is,  the  value 
founded  on  a  comparison  of  the  difference  between  the  amount  of 
commodities  which  the  same  sum  would  purchase  formerly  and  at  the 
present  time.  The  latter  inquiry  is  attended  with  great  embarrass- 
ment, from  the  difficulty  of  finding  any  one  article  which  may  be 
taken  as  the  true  standard  of  value.  Wheat,  from  its  general  cultiva- 
tion and  use,  has  usually  been  selected  by  political  economists  as  this 
standard;  and  Clemencin  has  adopted  it  in  his  calculations.  Assum- 
ing wheat  as  the  standard,  he  has  endeavored  to  ascertain  the  value 
of  the  principal  coins  in  circulation  at  the  time  of  the  "  Catholic 
Kings."  He  makes  no  mention  in  his  treatise  of  the  peso  de  oro,  by 
which  denomination  the  sums  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury were  more  frequently  expressed  than  by  any  other.  But  he  as- 
certains both  the  specific  and  the  commercial  value  of  the  castellano, 
which  several  of  the  old  writers,  as  Oviedo,  Herrera,  and  Xerez,  con- 
cur in  stating  as  precisely  equivalent  to  the  peso  de  oro.  From  the 
results  of  his  calculations,  it  appears  that  the  specific  value  of  the 
castellano,  as  stated  by  him  in  reals,  is  equal  to  three  dollars  and 
seven  cents  of  our  otcn  currency,  while  the  commercial  value  is  nearly 
four  times  as  great,  or  eleven  dollars  sixty-seven  cents,  equal  to  txco 
pounds  twelve  shillings  and  sixpence  sterling.  By  adopting  this  as 
the  approximate  value  of  the  peso  de  oro  in  the  early  part  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  the  reader  may  easily  compute  for  himself  the  value, 
at  that  period,  of  the  sums  mentioned  in  these  pages;  most  of  which 
are  expressed  in  that  denomination.  I  have  been  the  more  particular 
in  this  statement  since  in  my  former  work  I  confined  myself  to  the 
commercial  value  of  the  money,  which,  being  much  greater  than  the 
specific  value,  founded  on  the  quality  and  weight  of  the  metal,  was 


166  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

aflFords  no  parallel  of  such  a  booty — and  that,  too, 
in  the  most  convertible  form,  in  ready  money,  as 
it  were — having  fallen  to  the  lot  of  a  little  band 
of  miHtary  adventurers,  like  the  Conquerors  of 
Peru.  The  great  object  of  the  Spanish  expedi- 
tions in  the  New  World  was  gold.  It  is  remark- 
able that  their  success  should  have  been  so  com- 
plete. Had  they  taken  the  track  of  the  English, 
the  French,  or  the  Dutch,  on  the  shores  of  the 
northern  continent,  how  different  would  have  been 
the  result!  It  is  equally  worthy  of  remark  that 
the  wealth  thus  suddenly  acquired,  by  diverting 
them  from  the  slow  but  surer  and  more  perma- 
nent sources  of  national  prosperity,  has  in  the  end 
ghded  from  their  grasp  and  left  them  among  the 
poorest  of  the  nations  of  Christendom. 

A  new  difficulty  now  arose  in  respect  to  the 
division  of  the  treasure.  Almagro's  followers 
claimed  to  be  admitted  to  a  share  of  it;  which, 
as  they  equalled  and,  indeed,  somewhat  exceeded 
in  number  Pizarro's  company,  would  reduce  the 
gains  of  these  last  very  materially.  "  We  were 
not  here,  it  is  true,"  said  Almagro's  soldiers  to 
their  comrades,  "  at  the  seizure  of  the  Inca,  but 
we  have  taken  our  turn  in  mounting  guard  over 
him  since  his  capture,  have  helped  you  to  defend 

thought  by  an  ingenious  correspondent  to  give  the  reader  an  exag- 
gerated estimate  of  the  sums  mentioned  in  the  history.  But  it  seems 
to  me  that  it  is  only  this  comparative  or  commercial  value  with  which 
the  reader  has  any  concern,  indicating  what  amount  of  commodities 
any  given  sum  represents,  that  he  may  thus  know  the  real  worth  of 
that  sum, — thus  adopting  the  principle,  though  conversely  stated,  of 
the  old  Hudibrastic  maxim, — 

"  What  is  worth  in  nny  thini?. 
But  80  much  money  as  't  will  bring?  " 


1533]    ITS  DIVISION  AMONG  THE  TROOPS     167 

your  treasures,  and  now  give  you  the  means  of 
going  forward  and  securing  your  conquests.  It 
is  a  conunon  cause,"  they  urged,  "  in  which  all  are 
equally  embarked,  and  the  gains  should  be  shared 
equally  between  us." 

But  this  way  of  viewing  the  matter  was  not  at 
all  palatable  to  Pizarro's  company,  who  alleged 
that  Atahuallpa's  contract  had  been  made  exclu- 
sively with  them;  that  they  had  seized  the  Inca, 
had  secured  the  ransom,  had  incurred,  in  short,  all 
the  risk  of  the  enterprise,  and  were  not  now  dis- 
posed to  share  the  fruits  of  it  with  every  one  who 
came  after  them.  There  was  much  force,  it  could 
not  be  denied,  in  this  reasoning,  and  it  was  finally 
settled  between  the  leaders  that  Almagro's  fol- 
lowers should  resign  their  pretensions  for  a  stipu- 
lated sum  of  no  great  amount,  and  look  to  the 
career  now  opened  to  them  for  carving  out  their 
fortunes  for  themselves. 

This  delicate  affair  being  thus  harmoniously 
adjusted,  Pizarro  prepared,  with  all  solemnity, 
for  a  division  of  the  imperial  spoil.  The  troops 
were  called  together  in  the  great  square,  and  the 
Spanish  commander,  "  with  the  fear  of  God  be- 
fore his  eyes,"  says  the  record,  "  invoked  the  assist- 
ance of  Heaven  to  do  the  work  before  him  con- 
scientiously and  justly."  ^  The  appeal  may  seem 
somewhat  out  of  place  at  the  distribution  of  spoil 
so  unrighteously  acquired;  yet  in  truth,  consider- 
ing the  magnitude  of  the  treasure,  and  the  power 

" "  Sepun  Dios  Nuestro  Senor  se  diere  d  entender  teniendo  su 
conciencia  y  para  lo  mejor  hazer  pedia  al  ayuda  de  Dios  Nuestro 
Senor,  6  imboco  el  auxilio  divino."  Acta  de  Reparticion  del  Rescate, 
MS. 


168  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

assumed  by  Pizarro  to  distribute  it  according  to 
the  respective  deserts  of  the  individuals,  there  were 
few  acts  of  his  Hfe  involving  a  heavier  responsi- 
bihty.  On  his  present  decision  might  be  said  to 
hang  the  future  fortunes  of  each  one  of  his  fol- 
lowers,— poverty  or  independence  during  the  re- 
mainder of  his  days. 

The  royal  fifth  was  first  deducted,  including 
the  remittance  already  sent  to  Spain.  The  share 
appropriated  by  Pizarro  amounted  to  fifty-seven 
thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty-two  pesos  of 
gold,  and  two  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty 
marks  of  silver.  He  had  besides  this  the  great 
chair  or  throne  of  the  Inca,  of  solid  gold,  and 
valued  at  twenty-five  thousand  pesos  de  oro.  To 
his  brother  Hernando  were  paid  thirty-one  thou- 
sand and  eighty  pesos  of  gold,  and  two  thousand 
three  hundred  and  fifty  marks  of  silver.  De  Soto 
received  seventeen  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
forty  pesos  of  gold,  and  seven  hundred  and 
twenty-four  marks  of  silver.  Most  of  the  re- 
maining cavalry,  sixty  in  number,  received  each 
eight  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighty  pesos 
of  gold,  and  three  hundred  and  sixty-two  marks 
of  silver,  though  some  had  more,  and  a  few  con- 
siderably less.  The  infantry  mustered  in  all  one 
hundred  and  five  men.  Almost  one-fifth  of  them 
were  allowed,  each,  four  thousand  four  hundred 
and  forty  pesos  of  gold,  and  one  hundred  and 
eighty  marks  of  silver,  half  of  the  compensation 
of  the  troopers.  The  remainder  received  one- 
fourth  part  less;  though  here  again  there  were 
exceptions,   and   some   were   obliged   to   content 


1533J    ITS  DIVISION  AMONG  THE  TROOPS     169 

themselves   with   a   much   smaller   share   of  the 
spoil.®  * 

The  new  church  of  San  Francisco,  the  first 
Christian  temple  in  Peru,  was  endowed  with  two 
thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty  pesos  of  gold. 
The  amount  assigned  to  Almagro's  company  was 
not  excessive,  if  it  was  not  more  than  twenty 
thousand  pesos ;  ^  and  that  reserved  for  the  colo- 
nists of  San  Miguel,  which  amounted  only  to 
fifteen  thousand  pesos,  was  unaccountably  small.* 
There  were  among  them  certain  soldiers  who,  at 
an  early  period  of  the  expedition,  as  the  reader 
may  remember,  abandoned  the  march  and  returned 
to  San  Miguel.  These,  certainly,  had  little  claim 
to  be  remembered  in  the  division  of  booty.  But 
the  greater  part  of  the  colony  consisted  of  in- 
valids, men  whose  health  had  been  broken  by  their 
previous  hardships,  but  who  still,  with  a  stout  and 

•The  particulars  of  the  distribution  are  given  in  the  Acta  de  Re- 
particion  del  Rescate,  an  instrument  drawn  up  and  signed  by  the 
royal  notary.  The  document,  which  is  therefore  of  unquestionable 
authority,  is  among  the  MSS.  selected  for  me  from  the  collection  of 
Munoz. 

' "  Se  diese  &  la  gente  que  vino  con  el  Capitan  Diego  de  Almagro 
para  ayuda  &  pagar  sus  deudas  y  fletes  y  suplir  algunas  necesidades 
que  traian,  veinte  mil  pesos."  (Acta  de  Reparticion  del  Rescate, 
MS.)  Herrera  says  that  100,000  pesos  were  paid  to  Almagro's  men. 
(Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  2,  cap.  3.)  But  it  is  not  so  set  down  in 
the  instrument. 

* "  En  treinta  personas  que  quedaron  en  la  ciudad  de  san  Miguel 
de  Piura  dolientes  y  otros  que  no  \inieron  ni  se  hallaron  en  la  prision 
de  Atagualpa  y  toma  del  oro  porque  algunos  son  pobrcs  y  otros  tie- 
nen  necesidad  sefialaba  15,000  p*'  de  oro  para  los  repartir  S.  Senoria 
entre  las  dichas  personas."    Ibid.,  MS. 

*  [Report  on  the  Distribution  of  the  Ransom  of  Atahuallpa,  by 
Pedro  Sancho  (Notary),  Translated  by  C.  R.  Markham.  Published 
by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  the  "  Reports  on  the  Discoverj'  of 
Peru."— M.] 


170  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

willing  heart,  did  good  service  in  their  military 
post  on  the  sea-coast.  On  what  grounds  they  had 
forfeited  their  claims  to  a  more  ample  remunera- 
tion it  is  not  easy  to  explain. 

Nothing  is  said,  in  the  partition,  of  Almagro 
himself,  who,  by  the  terms  of  the  original  contract, 
might  claim  an  equal  share  of  the  spoil  with  his 
associate.  As  little  notice  is  taken  of  Luque,  the 
remaining  partner.  Luque  himself  was,  indeed, 
no  longer  to  be  benefited  by  worldly  treasure.  He 
had  died  a  short  time  before  Almagro's  departure 
from  Panama ;  ^  too  soon  to  learn  the  full  success 
of  the  enterprise,  which,  but  for  his  exertions, 
must  have  failed;  too  soon  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  achievements  and  the  crimes  of  Pizarro. 
But  the  Licentiate  Espinosa,  whom  he  repre- 
sented, and  who,  it  appears,  had  advanced  the 
funds  for  the  expedition,  was  still  living  at  St. 
Domingo,  and  Luque's  pretensions  were  explicitly 
transferred  to  him.  Yet  it  is  unsafe  to  pronounce, 
at  this  distance  of  time,  on  the  authority  of  mere 
negative  testimony;  and  it  must  be  admitted  to 
form  a  strong  presumption  in  favor  of  Pizarro's 
general  equity  in  the  distribution,  that  no  com- 
plaint of  it  has  reached  us  from  any  of  the  parties 
present,  nor  from  contemporary  chroniclers.^" 

•  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1533. 

"•  The  "  Spanish  Captain,"  several  times  cited,  who  tells  us  he  was 
one  of  the  men  appointed  to  guard  the  treasure,  does  indeed  com- 
plain that  a  large  quantity  of  gold  vases  and  other  articles  re- 
mained undivided,  a  palpable  injustice,  he  thinks,  to  the  honest 
Conquerors,  who  had  earned  all  by  their  hardships.  (Rel.  d'un 
Capitano  Spagn.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  378,  379.)  The  writer, 
throughout  his  Relation,  .shows  a  full  mea.sure  of  the  coarse  and 
covetous  spirit  which  marked  the  adventurers  of  Peru. 


1533]  TREATMENT    OF    THE    INCA  171 

The  division  of  the  ransom  being  completed  by 
the  Spaniards,  there  seemed  to  be  no  further  ob- 
stacle to  their  resuming  active  operations  and  com- 
mencing the  march  to  Cuzco.  But  what  was  to 
be  done  with  Atahuallpa?  In  the  determination 
of  this  question,  whatever  was  expedient  was 
just/'  To  liberate  him  would  be  to  set  at  large 
the  very  man  who  might  prove  their  most  dan- 
gerous enemy, — one  whose  birth  and  royal  station 
would  rally  round  him  the  whole  nation,  place  all 
the  machinery  of  government  at  his  control,  and 
all  its  resources, — one,  in  short,  whose  bare  word 
might  concentrate  all  the  energies  of  his  people 
against  the  Spaniards,  and  thus  delay  for  a  long 
period,  if  not  wholly  defeat,  the  conquest  of  the 
country.  Yet  to  hold  him  in  captivity  was  at- 
tended with  scarcely  less  difficulty ;  since  to  guard 
so  important  a  prize  would  require  such  a  division 
of  their  force  as  must  greatly  cripple  its  strength, 
and  how  could  they  expect,  by  any  vigilance,  to 
secure  their  prisoner  against  rescue  in  the  perilous 
passes  of  the  mountains  ? 

The  Inca  himself  now  loudly  demanded  his 
freedom.  The  proposed  amount  of  the  ransom 
had,  indeed,  not  been  fully  paid.  It  may  be 
doubted  whether  it  ever  would  have  been,  consider- 
ing the  embarrassments  thrown  in  the  way  by  the 
guardians  of  the  temples,  who  seemed  dispose  to 
secrete  the  treasures,  rather  than  despoil  these 
sacred  depositories  to  satisfy  the  cupidity  of  the 

""Y  esto  tenia  por  jiisto,  pues  era  provechoso."  It  is  the  senti- 
ment imputed  to  Pizarro  by  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  3, 
cap.  4. 


172  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

strangers.  It  was  unlucky,  too,  for  the  Indian 
monarch  that  much  of  the  gold,  and  that  of  the 
best  quality,  consisted  of  flat  plates  or  tiles,  which, 
however  valuable,  lay  in  a  compact  form  that  did 
little  towards  swelling  the  heap.  But  an  immense 
amount  had  been  already  realized,  and  it  would 
have  been  a  still  greater  one,  the  Inca  might  allege, 
but  for  the  impatience  of  the  Spaniards.  At  all 
events,  it  was  a  magnificent  ransom,  such  as  was 
never  paid  by  prince  or  potentate  before. 

These  considerations  Atahuallpa  urged  on  sev- 
eral of  the  cavaliers,  and  especially  on  Hernando 
de  Soto,  who  v/as  on  terms  of  more  familiarity 
with  him  than  Pizarro.  De  Soto  reported  Ata- 
huallpa's  demands  to  his  leader;  but  the  latter 
evaded  a  direct  reply.  He  did  not  disclose  the 
dark  purposes  over  which  his  mind  was  brooding.^ ^ 
Not  long  afterwards  he  caused  the  notary  to  pre- 
pare an  instrument  in  which  he  fully  acquitted 
the  Inca  of  further  obligation  in  respect  to  the 
ransom.  This  he  commanded  to  be  publicly  pro- 
claimed in  the  camp,  while  at  the  same  time  he 
openly  declared  that  the  safety  of  the  Spaniards 
required  that  the  Inca  should  be  detained  in  con- 
finement until  they  were  strengthened  by  addi- 
tional reinforcements.^^ 

" "  I  como  no  ahonduban  los  designios  que  tenia  le  replicaban ; 
pero  ^1  respondia,  que  iba  mirando  en  ello."  Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib  3,  cap.  4. 

13 "  patta  quella  fnsione,  il  Governatore  fece  vn  atto  innanzi  al  no- 
taro  nel  quale  liberaua  il  Cacique  Atabalipa  et  I'absolueua  della  pro- 
messa  et  parola  die  hauetia  data  a  gll  Spagnuoli  che  lo  presero  della 
casa  d'oro  c'haueua  lor  cocessa,  il  quale  fece  publicar  publicamcte  a 
suon  di  trombe  nella  piazza  di  quella  citta  di  Caxamalca."  (Pedro 
Sancho,  Kel.,  ap.  Raniusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  399.)     Tbe  autborlty  is  un- 


^5=^1  RUxMORS    OF    A    RISING  173 

Meanwhile  the  old  rumors  of  a  meditated  attack 
by  the  natives  began  to  be  current  among  the 
soldiers.  They  were  repeated  from  one  to  another, 
gaining  something  by  every  repetition.  An  im- 
mense army,  it  was  reported,  was  mustering  at 
Quito,  the  land  of  Atahuallpa's  birth,  and  thirty 
thousand  Caribs  were  on  their  way  to  support  it.** 
The  Caribs  were  distributed  by  the  early  Span- 
iards rather  indiscriminately  over  the  different 
parts  of  America,  being  invested  with  peculiar 
horrors  as  a  race  of  cannibals. 

It  was  not  easy  to  trace  the  origin  of  these 
rumors.  There  was  in  the  camp  a  considerable 
number  of  Indians,  who  belonged  to  the  party 
of  Huascar,  and  who  were,  of  course,  hostile  to 
Atahuallpa.  But  his  worst  enemy  was  Felipillo, 
the  interpreter  from  Tumbez,  already  mentioned 
in  these  pages.  This  youth  had  conceived  a  pas- 
sion for,  or,  as  some  say,  had  been  detected  in 
an  intrigue  with,  one  of  the  royal  concubines.*'^ 

impeachable, — for  any  fact,  at  least,  that  makes  against  the  Con- 
querors,— since  the  Relatione  was  by  one  of  Pizarro's  own  secretaries, 
and  was  authorized  under  the  hands  of  the  general  and  his  great 
officers. 

** "  De  la  gente  Natural  de  Quito  vienen  docientos  mil  Hombres 
de  Guerra,  i  treinta  mil  Caribes,  que  comen  Carne  Humana."  Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  233. — See  also  Pedro  Sancho, 
Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  ubi  supra. 

" "  Pues  estando  asi  atravesose  un  demonio  de  una  lengua  que  se 
dezia  ffelipillo  uno  de  los  muchachos  que  el  marquez  avia  Uevado  a 
Espafia  que  al  presente  hera  lengua  y  andava  enamorado  de  una 
muger  de  Atabalipa."  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — The 
amour  and  the  malice  of  Felipillo,  which,  Quintana  seems  to  think, 
rest  chiefly  on  Garcilasso's  authority  (see  Espaiioles  colebres,  tom.  ii. 
p.  210,  nota),  are  stated  very  explicitly  by  Zarate,  Xaharro,  Gomara, 
Balboa,  all  contemporaneous,  though  not,  like  Pedro  Pizarro,  per- 
sonally present  in  the  army. 


174  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  circumstance  had  reached  the  ears  of  Ata- 
huallpa,  who  felt  himself  deeply  outraged  by  it. 
"  That  such  an  insult  should  have  been  offered 
by  so  base  a  person  was  an  indignity,"  he  said, 
"  more  difficult  to  bear  than  his  imprisonment;  "  ^® 
and  he  told  Pizarro  "  that,  by  the  Peruvian  law, 
it  could  be  expiated,  not  by  the  criminal's  own 
death  alone,  but  by  that  of  his  whole  family  and 
kindred."  ^^  But  Felipillo  was  too  important  to 
the  Spaniards  to  be  dealt  with  so  summarily ;  nor 
did  they  probably  attach  such  consequence  to  an 
offence  which,  if  report  be  true,  they  had  counte- 
nanced by  their  own  example.^*  Felipillo,  how- 
ever, soon  learned  the  state  of  the  Inca's  feelings 
towards  himself,  and  from  that  moment  he  re- 
garded him  with  deadly  hatred.  Unfortunately, 
his  malignant  temper  found  ready  means  for  its 
indulgence. 

The  rumors  of  a  rising  among  the  natives 
pointed  to  Atahuallpa  as  the  author  of  it.  Chall- 
cuchima  was  examined  on  the  subject,  but  avowed 
his  entire  ignorance  of  any  such  design,  which  he 
pronounced  a  malicious  slander.  Pizarro  next 
laid  the  matter  before  the  Inca  himself,  repeating 
to  him  the  stories  in  circulation,  with  the  air  of 
one  who  believed  them.  "  What  treason  is  this," 
said  the  general,  "  that  you  have  meditated  against 
me, — me,  who  have  ever  treated  you  with  honor, 

'•  "  Diciendo  que  sentia  mas  aquel  desacato,  que  su  prision."  Za- 
rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 

"  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

""(■)  le  habian  tornado  sus  muperes  ^  repartidolns  en  su  presencia 
€  usaban  de  ellas  de  sus  adulterios."  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  22. 


i&sii  RUMORS    OF    A    RISING  175 

confiding  in  your  words,  as  in  those  of  a  brother?  " 
"  You  jest,"  replied  the  Inca,  who  perhaps  did  not 
feel  the  weight  of  this  confidence;  "  you  are  always 
jesting  with  me.  How  could  I  or  my  people  think 
of  conspiring  against  men  so  valiant  as  the  Span- 
iards? Do  not  jest  with  me  thus,  I  beseech  you."  '* 
"  This,"  continues  Pizarro's  secretary,  "  he  said  in 
the  most  composed  and  natural  manner,  smiling 
all  the  while  to  dissemble  his  falsehood,  so  that  we 
were  all  amazed  to  find  such  cunning  in  a  bar- 
barian." ^^ 

But  it  was  not  with  cunning,  but  with  the  con- 
sciousness of  innocence,  as  the  event  afterwards 
proved,  that  Atahuallpa  thus  spoke  to  Pizarro. 
He  readily  discerned,  however,  the  causes,  per- 
haps the  consequences,  of  the  accusation.  He  saw 
a  dark  gulf  opening  beneath  his  feet ;  and  he  was 
surrounded  by  strangers,  on  none  of  whom  he 
could  lean  for  counsel  or  protection.  The  life  of 
the  captive  monarch  is  usually  short;  and  Ata- 
huallpa might  have  learned  the  truth  of  this,  when 
he  thought  of  Huascar.  Bitterly  did  he  now  la- 
ment the  absence  of  Hernando  Pizarro,  for, 
strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  haughty  spirit  of 
this  cavalier  had  been  touched  by  the  condition  of 
the  royal  prisoner,  and  he  had  treated  him  with  a 
deference  which  won  for  him  the  peculiar  regard 
and  confidence  of  the  Indian.    Yet  the  latter  lost 

" "  Burlaste  conmigo?  siempre  me  hablas  cosas  de  burlas?  Que 
parte  somos  Yo,  i  toda  mi  Gente,  para  enojar  a  tan  valientes  Hom- 
bres  como  vosotros?  No  me  digas  esas  burlas."  Xerez,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  234. 

"* "  De  que  los  Espanoles  que  se  las  ban  oido,  estan  espantados  de 
vhr  en  vn  Hombre  Barbaro  tanta  prudencia."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


176  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

no  time  in  endeavoring  to  efface  the  general's  sus- 
picions and  to  establish  his  own  innocence.  "Am 
I  not,"  said  he  to  Pizarro,  "  a  poor  captive  in  your 
hands?  How  could  I  harbor  the  designs  you  im- 
pute to  me,  when  I  should  be  the  first  victim  of 
the  outbreak?  And  you  little  know  my  people,  if 
you  think  that  such  a  movement  would  be  made 
without  my  orders;  when  the  very  birds  in  my 
dominions,"  said  he,  with  somewhat  of  an  hyper- 
bole, "  would  scarcely  venture  to  fly  contrary  to 
my  wiU."  ^' 

But  these  protestations  of  innocence  had  little 
effect  on  the  troops ;  among  w  hom  the  story  of  a 
general  rising  of  the  natives  continued  to  gain 
credit  every  hour.  A  large  force,  it  was  said,  was 
already  gathered  at  Huamachuco,  not  a  hundred 
miles  from  the  camp,  and  their  assault  might  be 
hourly  expected.  The  treasure  which  the  Span- 
iards had  acquired  afforded  a  tempting  prize,  and 
their  own  alarm  was  increased  by  the  apprehension 
of  losing  it.  The  patrols  were  doubled.  The 
horses  were  kept  saddled  and  bridled.  The  sol- 
diers slept  on  their  arms ;  Pizarro  went  the  rounds 
regularly  to  see  that  every  sentinel  was  on  his  post. 
The  little  army,  in  short,  was  in  a  state  of  prepa- 
ration for  instant  attack. 

Men  suffering  from  fear  are  not  likely  to  be  too 
scrupulous  as  to  the  means  of  removing  the  cause 
of  it.  Murmurs,  mingled  with  gloomy  menaces, 
were  now  heard  against  the  Inca,  the  author  of 
these  machinations.    Many  began  to  demand  his 

"  "  Pues  si  Yo  no  lo  quiero,  ni  las  Aves  bolar^n  en  mi  Tierra." 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 


1^33]  RUMORS    OF    A    RISING  177 

life,  as  necessary  to  the  safety  of  the  army. 
Among  these  the  most  vehement  were  Almagro 
and  his  followers.  They  had  not  witnessed  the 
seizure  of  Atahuallpa.  They  had  no  sympathy 
with  him  in  his  fallen  state.  They  regarded  him 
only  as  an  encumbrance,  and  their  desire  now  was 
to  push  their  fortunes  in  the  country,  since  they 
had  got  so  little  of  the  gold  of  Caxamalca.  They 
were  supported  by  Riquelme,  the  treasurer,  and 
by  the  rest  of  the  royal  officers.  These  men  had 
been  left  at  San  Miguel  by  Pizarro,  who  did  not 
care  to  have  such  official  spies  on  his  movements. 
But  they  had  come  to  the  camp  with  Almagro,  and 
they  loudly  demanded  the  Inca's  death,  as  indis- 
pensable to  the  tranquillity  of  the  country  and  the 
interests  of  the  crown.^^ 

To  these  dark  suggestions  Pizarro  turned — or 
seemed  to  turn — an  unwilling  ear,  showing  visible 
reluctance  to  proceed  to  extreme  measures  with 
his  prisoner.^^  They  were  some  few,  and  among 
others  Hernando  de  Soto,  who  supported  him  in 
these  views,  and  who  regarded  such  measures  as 
not  at  all  justified  by  the  evidence  of  Atahuallpa's 
guilt.  In  this  state  of  things,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander determined  to  send  a  small  detachment  to 
Huamachuco,  to  reconnoitre  the  country  and  as- 
certain what  ground  there  was  for  the  rumors  of 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Relaeion  del  primer  De- 
scub.,  MS. — Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  400. — 
These  cavaliers  were  all  present  in  the  camp. 

" "  Aunque    contra    voluntad    del    dicho    Gobernador,    que    nunca 
estubo  bien  en  ello." — Relaeion   del   primer  Descub.,   MS. — So  also 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub,  y  Conq.,  MS. — Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap,  Ra- 
musio, ubi  supra. 
Vol.  II.— 12 


178  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

an  insurrection.  De  Soto  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  expedition,  which,  as  the  distance  was  not 
great,  would  occupy  but  a  few  days. 

After  that  cavalier's  departure,  the  agitation 
among  the  soldiers,  instead  of  diminishing,  in- 
creased to  such  a  degree  that  Pizarro,  unable  to 
reisist  their  importunities,  consented  to  bring  Ata- 
huallpa  to  instant  trial.  It  was  but  decent,  and 
certainly  safer,  to  have  the  forms  of  a  trial.  A 
court  was  organized,  over  which  the  two  captains, 
Pizarro  and  Almagro,  were  to  preside  as  judges. 
An  attorney-general  was  named  to  prosecute  for 
the  crown,  and  counsel  was  assigned  to  the  pris- 
oner. 

The  charges  preferred  against  the  Inca,  drawn 
up  in  the  form  of  interrogatories,  were  twelve  in 
number.  The  most  important  were,  that  he  had 
usurped  the  crown  and  assassinated  his  brother 
Huascar;  that  he  had  squandered  the  public 
revenues  since  the  conquest  of  the  country  by 
the  Spaniards,  and  lavished  them  on  his  kindred 
and  his  minions;  that  he  was  guilty  of  idolatry, 
and  of  adulterous  practices,  indulging  openly  in  a 
plurality  of  wives ;  finally,  that  he  had  attempted 
to  excite  an  insurrection  against  the  Spaniards.^^ 

**The  specification  of  the  charges  against  the  Inca  is  given  by 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  37.)  One 
could  have  wished  to  find  them  specified  by  some  of  the  actors  in  the 
tragedy.  But  Garcilasso  had  access  to  the  i)est  sources  of  informa- 
tion, and  where  there  was  no  motive  for  falsehood,  a.s  in  the  present 
instance,  his  word  may  probably  be  taken. — The  fact  of  a  process 
being  formally  in.stituted  against  the  Indian  monarch  is  explicitly 
recognized  by  several  contemporary  writers,  by  Gomara,  Oviedo,  and 
Pedro  Sancho.  Oviedo  ciiaracterizes  the  indictment  as  "  a  badly 
contrived  and  worse  written  document,  devised  by  a  factious  and  un- 


1633]  TRIAL    OF    THE    INCA  179 

These  charges,  most  of  which  had  reference  to 
national  usages,  or  to  the  personal  relations  of  the 
Inca,  over  which  the  Spanish  conquerors  had 
clearly  no  jurisdiction,  are  so  absurd  that  they 
might  well  provoke  a  smile,  did  they  not  excite 
a  deeper  feeling.  The  last  of  the  charges  was  the 
only  one  of  moment  in  such  a  trial ;  and  the  weak- 
ness of  this  may  be  inferred  from  the  care  taken 
to  bolster  it  up  with  the  others.  The  mere  specifi- 
cation of  the  articles  must  have  been  sufficient  to 
show  that  the  doom  of  the  Inca  was  already  sealed. 

A  number  of  Indian  witnesses  were  examined, 
and  their  testimony,  filtrated  through  the  inter- 
pretation of  Felipillo,  received,  it  is  said,  when 
necessary,  a  very  different  coloring  from  that  of 
the  original.  The  examination  was  soon  ended, 
and  "  a  warm  discussion,"  as  we  are  assured  by  one 
of  Pizarro's  own  secretaries,  "  took  place  in  re- 
spect to  the  probable  good  or  evil  that  would  re- 
sult from  the  death  of  Atahuallpa."  ^^  It  was  a 
question  of  expediency.  He  was  found  guilty, — 
whether  of  all  the  crimes  alleged  we  are  not  in- 

principled  priest,  a  clumsy  notary  without  conscience,  and  others  of 
the  like  stamp,  who  were  all  concerned  in  this  villany."  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  22.)  Most  authorities  agree  in  the 
two  principal  charges, — the  assassination  of  Huascar,  and  the  con- 
spiracy against  the  Spaniards. 

"  "  Doppo  I'essersi  molto  disputato,  et  ragionato  del  danno  et  vtile 
che  saria  potuto  auuenire  per  il  viuere  o  morire  di  Atabalipa,  fu  riso- 
luto  che  si  facesse  giustitia  di  lui."  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio, 
torn.  iii.  fol.  400.)  It  is  the  language  of  a  writer  who  may  be  taken 
as  the  mouthpiece  of  Pizarro  himself.  According  to  him,  the  con- 
clave which  agitated  this  "  question  of  expediency  "  consisted  of  the 
"  officers  of  the  crown  and  those  of  the  army,  a  certain  doctor  learned 
in  the  law,  that  chanced  to  be  with  them,  and  the  reverend  Father 
Vicente  de  Valverde." 


180  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

formed, — and  he  was  sentenced  to  be  burnt  alive 
in  the  great  square  of  Caxamalca.  The  sentence 
was  to  be  carried  into  execution  that  very  night. 
They  were  not  even  to  wait  for  the  return  of  De 
Soto,  when  the  information  he  would  bring  would 
go  far  to  establish  the  truth  or  the  falsehood  of 
the  reports  respecting  the  insurrection  of  the  na- 
tives. It  was  desirable  to  obtain  the  countenance 
of  Father  Valverde  to  these  proceedings,  and  a 
copy  of  the  judgment  was  submitted  to  the  friar 
for  his  signature,  which  he  gave  without  hesita- 
tion, declaring  that,  "  in  his  opinion,  the  Inca,  at 
all  events,  deserved  death."  ^® 

Yet  there  were  some  few  in  that  martial  con- 
clave who  resisted  these  high-handed  measures. 
They  considered  them  as  a  poor  requital  of  all 
the  favors  bestowed  on  them  by  the  Inca,  who 
hitherto  had  received  at  their  hands  nothing  but 
wrong.  They  objected  to  the  evidence  as  wholly 
insufficient ;  and  they  denied  the  authority  of  such 
a  tribunal  to  sit  in  judgment  on  a  sovereign  prince 
in  the  heart  of  his  own  dominions.  If  he  were  to 
be  tried,  he  should  be  sent  to  Spain,  and  his  cause 
brought  before  the  emperor,  who  alone  had  power 
to  determine  it. 

But  the  great  majority — and  they  were  ten  to 
one  —  overruled  these  objections,  by  declaring 
there  was  no  doubt  of  Atahuallpa's  guilt,  and 
they  were  willing  to  assume  the  responsibility  of 
his  punishment.    A  full  account  of  the  proceed- 

*• "  ResponcU6,  que  firmaria,  que  era  bastante,  para  que  el  Tnga 
fuese  condenado  &  muerte,  porque  aun  en  lo  exterior  quisieron  justi- 
ficar  su  intento."    Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. 


1533]  TRIAL    OF    THE    INCA  181 

ings  would  be  sent  to  Castile,  and  the  emperor 
should  be  informed  who  were  the  loyal  servants  of 
the  crown,  and  who  were  its  enemies.  The  dispute 
ran  so  high  that  for  a  time  it  menaced  an  open 
and  violent  rupture ;  till,  at  length,  convinced  that 
resistance  was  fruitless,  the  weaker  party,  silenced, 
but  not  satisfied,  contented  themselves  with  enter- 
ing a  written  protest  against  these  proceedings, 
which  would  leave  an  indelible  stain  on  the  names 
of  all  concerned  in  them.^^ 

When  the  sentence  was  communicated  to  the 
Inca,  he  was  greatly  overcome  by  it.  He  had, 
indeed,  for  some  time,  looked  to  such  an  issue  as 

"  Garcilasso  has  preserved  the  names  of  some  of  those  who  so 
courageously,  though  ineffectually,  resisted  the  popular  cry  for  the 
Inca's  blood.*  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  1,  cap.  37.)  They  were 
doubtless  correct  in  denying  the  right  of  such  a  tribunal  to  sit  in 
judgment  on  an  independent  prince  like  the  Inca  of  Peru,  but  not  so 
correct  in  supposing  that  their  master  the  emperor  had  a  better  right. 
Vattel  (book  ii.  ch.  4)  especially  animadverts  on  this  pretended  trial 
of  Atahuallpa,  as  a  manifest  outrage  on  the  law  of  nations. 

*  [1.  Hernando  de  Soto.    Discoverer  of  the  Mississippi. 

2.  Francisco    de    Chaves.      Murdered    while    defending    Pizarro 

against  his  assassins.     Zarate  esteemed  him  the  most  im- 
portant man  in  Peru,  next  to  Pizarro. 

3.  Diego  de  Chaves.    Brother  of  2. 

4.  Francisco  de  Fuentes. 

5.  Pedro  de  Ayala. 

6.  Diego  de  Mora.    Became  Corregidor  of  Lima. 

7.  Francisco  Moscoso. 

8.  Hernando  de  Haro. 

9.  Pedro  de  Mendoza. 

10.  Juan  de  Herrada.    A  strong  partisan  of  Almagro. 

11.  Alonzo  de  Avila. 

12.  Bias  de  Atienza.     Balboa  says  that  Atienza  was  of  those  who 

crossed  the  line  with  Pizarro. 
The  names  of  De  Soto,  Francisco  de  Cheves,  De  Fuentes,  and 
De   Mendoza  appear   in  the  list  of  those  who   shared   the  ransom 
of  Atahuallpa.     Markham  thinks  the  others  must  have  come  with 
Almagro. — M.J 


182  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

probable,  and  had  been  heard  to  intimate  as  much 
to  those  about  him.  But  the  probability  of  such 
an  event  is  very  diJBferent  from  its  certainty, — and 
that,  too,  so  sudden  and  speedy.  For  a  moment, 
the  overwhelming  conviction  of  it  unmanned  him, 
and  he  exclaimed,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  "  What 
have  I  done,  or  my  children,  that  I  should  meet 
such  a  fate?  And  from  your  hands,  too,"  said 
he,  addressing  Pizarro;  "  j'^ou,  who  have  met  with 
friendship  and  kindness  from  my  people,  with 
whom  I  have  shared  my  treasures,  who  have  re- 
ceived nothing  but  benefits  from  my  hands!  "  In 
the  most  piteous  tones,  he  then  implored  that  his 
life  might  be  spared,  promising  any  guarantee 
that  might  be  required  for  the  safety  of  every 
Spaniard  in  the  army, — promising  double  the  ran- 
som he  had  already  paid,  if  time  were  only  given 
him  to  obtain  it.^^ 

An  eye-witness  assures  us  that  Pizarro  was 
visibly  affected,  as  he  turned  away  from  the  Inca, 
to  whose  appeal  he  had  no  power  to  listen  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  voice  of  the  army  and  to  his  own 
sense  of  what  was  due  to  the  security  of  the  coun- 
try.^® Atahuallpa,  finding  he  had  no  power  to 
turn  his  Conqueror  from  his  purpose,  recovered 
his  habitual  self-possession,  and  from  that  moment 
submitted  himself  to  his  fate  with  the  courage  of 
an  Indian  warrior. 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib.  3,  cap,  4. — /urate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 

""I  myself,"  .says  Pedro  Pizarro,  "saw  the  general  weep."  "  Yo 
vide  llorar  al  marques  de  pesar  por  no  podelle  dar  la  vida  porqiie 
cierto  temio  los  requirimientos  y  el  rriezpo  que  avia  en  la  tierra  si  se 
•oltava."    Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1*33]  HIS    EXFXUTION  183 

The  doom  of  the  Inca  was  proclaimed  by  sound 
of  trumpet  in  the  great  square  of  Caxamalca ;  and, 
two  hours  after  sunset,  the  Spanish  soldiery  as- 
sembled by  torch-light  in  the  plaza  to  witness  the 
execution  of  the  sentence.  It  was  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  August,  1533.  Atahuallpa  was  led  out 
chained  hand  and  foot, — for  he  had  been  kept  in 
irons  ever  since  the  great  excitement  had  prevailed 
in  the  army  respecting  an  assault.  Father  Vicente 
de  Valverde  was  at  his  side,  striving  to  administer 
consolation,  and,  if  possible,  to  persuade  him  at 
this  last  hour  to  abjure  his  superstition  and  em- 
brace the  religion  of  his  Conquerors.  He  was 
willing  to  save  the  soul  of  his  victim  from  the 
terrible  expiation  in  the  next  world  to  which  he 
had  so  cheerfully  consigned  his  mortal  part  in 
this. 

During  Atahuallpa's  confinement,  the  friar  had 
repeatedly  expounded  to  him  the  Christian  doc- 
trines, and  the  Indian  monarch  discovered  much 
acuteness  in  apprehending  the  discourse  of  his 
teacher.  But  it  had  not  carried  conviction  to  his 
mind,  and,  though  he  listened  with  patience,  he 
had  shown  no  disposition  to  renounce  the  faith 
of  his  fathers.  The  Dominican  made  a  last  ap- 
peal to  him  in  this  solemn  hour;  and,  when  Ata- 
huallpa was  bound  to  the  stake,  with  the  fagots 
that  were  to  kindle  his  funeral  pile  lying  around 
him,  Valverde,  holding  up  the  cross,  besought 
him  to  embrace  it  and  be  baptized,  promising 
that,  by  so  doing,  the  painful  death  to  which 
he  had  been  sentenced  should  be  commuted  for 
the  milder  form  of  the  garrote, — a  mode  of  pun- 


184  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

ishment  by  strangulation,  used  for  criminals  in 
Spain.^'^ 

The  unhappy  monarch  asked  if  this  were  really 
so,  and,  on  its  being  confirmed  by  Pizarro,  he  con- 
sented to  abjure  his  own  religion  and  receive  bap- 
tism. The  ceremony  was  performed  by  Father 
Valverde,  and  the  new  convert  received  the  name 
of  Juan  de  Atahuallpa, — the  name  of  Juan  being 
conferred  in  honor  of  John  the  Baptist,  on  whose 
day  the  event  took  place.^^ 

Atahuallpa  expressed  a  desire  that  his  remains 
might  be  transported  to  Quito,  the  place  of  his 
birth,  to  be  preserved  with  those  of  his  maternal 
ancestors.  Then,  turning  to  Pizarro,  as  a  last  re- 
quest, he  implored  him  to  take  compassion  on  his 
young  children  and  receive  them  under  his  pro- 
tection. Was  there  no  other  one  in  that  dark  com- 
pany who  stood  grimly  around  him,  to  whom  he 
could  look  for  the  protection  of  his  offspring? 
Perhaps  he  thought  there  was  no  other  so  compe- 
tent to  afford  it,  and  that  the  wishes  so  solemnly 
expressed  in  that  hour  might  meet  with  respect 
even  from  his  Conqueror.  Then,  recovering  his 
stoical  bearing,  which  for  a  moment  had  been 
shaken,  he  submitted  himself  calmly  to  his  fate, 

"Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  234. — Pedro  Pi- 
zarro, Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Fed. 
Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  400. — The  garrote  is  a  mode 
of  execution  by  means  of  a  noose  drawn  round  the  criminal's  neck, 
to  the  back  part  of  which  a  stick  is  attached.  By  twisting  this  stick 
the  noose  is  tightened  and  suffocation  is  produced.  This  was  the 
mode,  probably,  of  Atahuallpa's  execution.  In  Spain,  instead  of  the 
cord,  an  iron  collar  is  substituted,  which,  by  means  of  a  screw,  is 
compressed  round  the  throat  of  the  sufferer. 

"  Velasco,  Hist,  de  Quito,  tom.  i.  p.  372 


1533]  HIS    EXECUTION  185 

— while  the  Spaniards,  gathering  around,  mut- 
tered their  credos  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul !  '^ 
Thus  by  the  death  of  a  vile  malefactor  perished 
the  last  of  the  Incas ! 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  person  and  the 
qualities  of  Atahuallpa.  He  had  a  handsome 
countenance,  though  with  an  expression  somewhat 
too  fierce  to  be  pleasing.  His  frame  was  muscu- 
lar and  well  proportioned;  his  air  commanding; 
and  his  deportment  in  the  Spanish  quarters  had 
a  degree  of  refinement,  the  more  interesting  that 
it  was  touched  with  melancholy.  He  is  accused 
of  having  been  cruel  in  his  wars  and  bloody  in  his 
revenge.^^     It  may  be  true,  but  the  pencil  of  an 

"  "  Ma  quando  se  lo  vidde  appressare  per  douer  esser  morto,  disse 
che  raccomandaua  al  Gouernatore  i  suoi  piccioli  figliuoli  che  volesse 
tenersegli  appresso,  &  con  queste  ultime  parole,  &  dicendo  per  I'ani- 
ma  sua  li  Spagnuoli  che  erano  all'  intorno  il  Credo,  fu  subito  affo- 
gato."  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  399. — Xerez, 
Conq.  del  Peru.  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  234. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y  Conq.,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del 
Piru,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. — The  death  of  Atahuallpa  heis  many  points  of 
resemblance  to  that  of  Caupolican,  the  great  Araucanian  chief,  as 
described  in  the  historical  epic  of  Ercilla.  Both  embraced  the  re- 
ligion of  their  conquerors  at  the  stake,  though  Caupolican  was  so  far 
less  fortunate  than  the  Peruvian  monarch  that  his  conversion  did  not 
save  him  from  the  tortures  of  a  most  agonizing  death.  He  was  im- 
paled and  shot  with  arrows.  The  spirited  verses  reflect  so  faithfully 
the  character  of  these  early  adventurers,  in  which  the  fanaticism  of 
the  Crusader  was  mingled  with  the  cruelty  of  the  conqueror,  and  they 
are  so  germane  to  the  present  subject,  that  I  would  willingly  quote 
the  passage  were  it  not  too  long.    See  La  Araucana,  Parte  3,  canto  24. 

" "  Thus  he  paid  the  penalty  of  his  errors  and  cruelties,"  says 
Xerez,  "  for  he  was  the  greatest  butcher,  as  all  agree,  that  the  world 
ever  saw;  making  nothing  of  razing  a  whole  town  to  the  ground  for 
the  most  trifling  offence,  and  massacring  a  thousand  peKsons  for  the 
fault  of  one!"  (Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  iii.  p.  234.)  Xerez 
was  the  private  secretary  of  Pizarro.  Sancho,  who,  on  the  departure 
of  Xerez  for  Spain,  succeeded  him  in  the  same  office,  pays  a  more 


186  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

enemy  would  be  likely  to  overcharge  the  shadows 
of  the  portrait.  He  is  allowed  to  have  been  bold, 
high-minded,  and  liberal.^^  All  agree  that  he 
showed  singular  penetration  and  quickness  of 
perception.  His  exploits  as  a  warrior  had  placed 
his  valor  beyond  dispute.  The  best  homage  to  it 
is  the  reluctance  shown  by  the  Spaniards  to  re- 
store him  to  freedom.  They  dreaded  him  as  an 
enemy,  and  they  had  done  him  too  many  wrongs 
to  think  that  he  could  be  their  friend.  Yet  his  con- 
duct towards  them  from  the  first  had  been  most 
friendly;  and  they  repaid  it  with  imprisonment, 
robbery,  and  death. 

The  body  of  the  Inca  remained  on  the  place 
of  execution  through  the  night.  The  following 
morning  it  was  removed  to  the  church  of  San 
Francisco,  where  his  funeral  obsequies  were  per- 
formed with  great  solemnity.  Pizarro  and  the 
principal  cavaliers  went  into  mourning,  and  the 
troops  listened  with  devout  attention  to  the  service 
of  the  dead  from  the  lips  of  Father  Valverde."^"' 
The  ceremony  was  interrupted  by  the  sound  of 
loud  cries  and  wailing,  as  of  many  voices  at  the 
doors  of  the  church.  These  were  suddenly  thrown 
open,  and  a  number  of  Indian  women,  the  wives 

decent  tribute  to  tlie  memory  of  the  Inca,  who,  he  trusts,  "  is  received 
into  glory,  since  he  died  penitent  for  his  sins,  and  in  the  true  faith  of 
a  Christian."     Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  iii.  fol.  399. 

" "  El  hera  muy  repalado,  y  muy  Sefior,"  says  Pedro  Pizarro. 
(Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)  "  Mui  dispuesto,  sabio,  animoso,  franco," 
saj^s  Gomara.     (Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  118.) 

"The  .secretary  Sancho  seems  to  think  that  the  Penivians  nnist 
have  regarded  these  funeral  honors  as  an  ample  compensation  to  Ata- 
huallpa  for  any  wrongs  he  may  have  sustained,  since  they  at  once 
raised  him  to  a  level  with  the  Spaniards !    Ibid.,  ioc.  cit. 


1533]  HIS    FUNERAL    RITES  187 

and  sisters  of  the  deceased,  rushing  up  the  great 
aisle,  surrounded  the  corpse.  This  was  not  the 
way,  they  cried,  to  celebrate  the  funeral  rites  of 
an  Inca;  and  they  declared  their  intention  to 
sacrifice  themselves  on  his  tomb  and  bear  him  com- 
pany to  the  land  of  spirits.  The  audience,  out- 
raged by  this  frantic  behavior,  told  the  intruders 
that  Atahuallpa  had  died  in  the  faith  of  a  Chris- 
tian, and  that  the  God  of  the  Christians  abhorred 
such  sacrifices.  They  then  caused  the  women  to 
be  excluded  from  the  church,  and  several,  retiring 
to  their  own  quarters,  laid  violent  hands  on  them- 
selves, in  the  vain  hope  of  accompanying  their 
beloved  lord  to  the  bright  mansions  of  the  Sun.^*' 

Atahuallpa's  remains,  notwithstanding  his  re- 
quest, were  laid  in  the  cemetery  of  San  Fran- 
cisco.^^ But  from  thence,  as  is  reported,  after 
the  Spaniards  left  Caxamalca,  they  were  secretly 
removed,  and  carried,  as  he  had  desired,  to  Quito. 
The  colonists  of  a  later  time  supposed  that  some 
treasures  might  have  been  buried  with  the  body. 
But,  on  excavating  the  ground,  neither  treasure 
nor  remains  were  to  be  discovered.^^ 

"  Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS.  See  Appendix  No.  10,  where 
I  have  cited  in  the  original  several  of  the  contemporary  notices  of 
Atahuallpa's  execution,  which  being  in  manuscript  are  not  very  ac- 
ce.ssible,  even  to  Spaniards. 

"  "  Oi  dicen  los  indios  que  estd  su  sepulcro  junto  6.  una  Cruz  de 
Piedra  Blanca  que  esta  en  el  Cementerio  del  Convento  de  S"  Fran- 
cisco."    Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1533. 

^  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  23.— Accord- 
ing to  Stevenson,  "  In  the  chapel  belonging  to  the  common  gaol,  which 
was  formerly  part  of  the  palace,  the  altar  stands  on  the  stone  on 
which  Atahuallpa  was  placed  by  the  Spaniards  and  strangled,  and 
under  which  he  was  buried."  (Residence  in  South  America,  vol.  ii. 
p.  163.)     iNlontesinos,  who  wrote  more  than  a  centurj'  after  the  Con- 


188  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

A  day  or  two  after  these  tragic  events, 
Hernando  de  Soto  returned  from  his  excursion. 
Great  was  his  astonishment  and  indignation  at 
learning  what  had  been  done  in  his  absence.  He 
sought  out  Pizarro  at  once,  and  found  him, 
says  the  chronicler,  "  with  a  great  felt  hat,  by 
way  of  mourning,  slouched  over  his  eyes,"  and 
in  his  dress  and  demeanor  exhibiting  all  the 
show  of  sorrow.^®  "  You  have  acted  rashly,"  said 
De  Soto  to  him  bluntly;  "  Atahuallpa  has 
been  basely  slandered.  There  was  no  enemy  at 
Huamachuco;  no  rising  among  the  natives. 
I  have  met  with  nothing  on  the  road  but  demon- 
strations of  good  will,  and  all  is  quiet.  If  it  was 
necessary  to  bring  the  Inca  to  trial,  he  should 
have  been  taken  to  Castile  and  judged  by  the 
emperor.  I  would  have  pledged  myself  to  see 
him  safe  on  board  the  vessel."  ^"  Pizarro  con- 
fessed that  he  had  been  precipitate,  and  said  that 
he  had  been  deceived  by  Riquelme,  Valverde,  and 
the  others.  These  charges  soon  reached  the  ears 
of  the  treasurer  and  the  Dominican,  who,  in  their 
turn,  exculpated  themselves,  and  upbraided  Pi- 
zarro to  his  face,  as  the  only  one  responsible  for 
the  deed.  The  dispute  ran  high;  and  the  parties 
were  heard  by  the  by-standers  to  give  one  another 

quest,  tells  us  that  "  spots  of  blood  were  still  visible  on  a  broad  flag- 
stone, in  the  prison  of  Caxamalca,  on  which  Atahuallpa  was  be- 
headed." (Annales,  MS.,  afio  1533.) — Ignorance  and  credulity  could 
scarcely  go  further. 

"• "  Hallaronle  monstrando  mucho  sentimiento  con  un  gran  som- 
brero de  fieltro  puesto  en  la  cabeza  por  luto  €  muy  calado  sobre  los 
ojos."    Oviedo,  Hi.st.  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  22. 

"Ibid.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — 
See  Appendix  No.  10. 


l*83j  REFLECTIONS  189 

the  lie!  ^^  This  vulgar  squabble  among  the  leaders, 
so  soon  after  the  event,  is  the  best  commentary  on 
the  iniquity  of  their  own  proceedings  and  the  inno- 
cence of  the  Inca. 

The  treatment  of  Atahuallpa,  from  first  to  last, 
forms  undoubtedly  one  of  the  darkest  chapters  in 
Spanish  colonial  history.  There  may  have  been 
massacres  perpetrated  on  a  more  extended  scale, 
and  executions  accompanied  with  a  greater  refine- 
ment of  cruelty.  But  the  blood-stained  annals  of 
the  Conquest  afford  no  such  example  of  cold- 
hearted  and  systematic  persecution,  not  of  an 
enemy,  but  of  one  whose  whole  deportment  had 
been  that  of  a  friend  and  a  benefactor. 

From  the  hour  that  Pizarro  and  his  followers 
had  entered  within  the  sphere  of  Atahuallpa's  in- 
fluence, the  hand  of  friendship  had  been  extended 
to  them  by  the  natives.  Their  first  act,  on  cross- 
ing the  mountains,  was  to  kidnap  the  monarch  and 
massacre  his  people.  The  seizure  of  his  person 
might  be  vindicated,  by  those  who  considered  the 
end  as  justifying  the  means,  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  indispensable  to  secure  the  triumphs  of  the 
Cross.  But  no  such  apology  can  be  urged  for  the 
massacre  of  the  unarmed  and  helpless  population, 
— as  wanton  as  it  w^as  wicked. 

"  This  remarkable  account  is  given  by  Oviedo,  not  in  the  body  of 
his  narrative,  but  in  one  of  those  supplementary  chapters  which  he 
makes  the  vehicle  of  the  most  miscellaneous,  yet  oftentimes  impor- 
tant, gossip,  respecting  the  great  transactions  of  his  history.  As  he 
knew  familiarly  the  leaders  in  these  transactions,  the  testimony  which 
he  collected,  somewhat  at  random,  is  of  high  authority.  The  reader 
will  find  Oviedo's  account  of  the  Inca's  death  extracted,  in  the 
original,  amon,i  the  other  notices  of  this  catastrophe,  in  Appendix 
No.  10. 


190  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  long  confinement  of  the  Inea  had  been  used 
by  the  Conquerors  to  wring  from  him  his  treasures 
with  the  hard  gripe  of  avarice.  During  the  whole 
of  this  dismal  period  he  had  conducted  himself 
with  singular  generosity  and  good  faith.  He  had 
opened  a  free  passage  to  the  Spaniards  through 
every  part  of  his  empire,  and  had  furnished  every 
facility  for  the  execution  of  their  plans.  When 
these  were  accomplished,  and  he  remained  an  en- 
cumbrance on  their  hands,  notwithstanding  their 
engagement,  expressed  or  implied,  to  release  him, 
— and  Pizarro,  as  we  have  seen,  by  a  formal  act 
acquitted  his  captive  of  any  further  obligation  on 
the  score  of  the  ransom, — he  was  arraigned  before 
a  mock  tribunal,  and,  under  pretences  equally 
false  and  frivolous,  was  condemned  to  an  excruci- 
ating death.  From  first  to  last,  the  policy  of  the 
Spanish  conquerors  towards  their  unhappy  victim 
is  stamped  with  barbarity  and  fraud. 

It  is  not  easy  to  acquit  Pizarro  of  being  in  a 
great  degree  responsible  for  this  policy.  His  par- 
tisans have  labored  to  show  that  it  was  forced  on 
him  by  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  that  in  the 
death  of  the  Inca,  especially,  he  yielded  reluc- 
tantly to  the  importunities  of  others.^^  But,  weak 
as  is  this  apology,  the  historian  who  has  the  means 
of  comparing  the  various  testimony  of  the  period 

"  "  Contra  su  volnntad  sentencio  &  muerte  A  Atabalipa."  (Pedro 
Pizarro,  Dcscub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)  "Contra  voluntad  del  dicho  Gober- 
nador."  (Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS.)  "  Ancora  obe  molto 
li  dispiaeesse  di  venir  a  qiiesto  atto."  (Ped.  Saneho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ra- 
nm.sio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  ;W9.)  l*>en  Oviedo  seems  willine:  to  admit  it  pos- 
sible that  Pizarro  may  have  been  somewhat  deeeived  by  others:  "  Que 
tambien  .se  puede  ereer  qne  era  enpafiado."  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  22. 


1533J  REFLECTIONS  191 

will  come  to  a  different  conclusion.  To  him  it  will 
appear  that  Pizarro  had  probahly  long  felt  the 
removal  of  Atahuallpa  to  be  essential  to  the  suc- 
cess of  his  enterprise.  He  foresaw  the  odium  that 
would  be  incurred  by  the  death  of  his  royal  cap- 
tive without  sufficient  grounds;  while  he  labored 
to  establish  these,  he  still  shrank  from  the  respon- 
sibility of  the  deed,  and  preferred  to  perpetrate 
it  in  obedience  to  the  suggestions  of  others,  rather 
than  his  own.  Like  many  an  unprincipled  poli- 
tician, he  wished  to  reap  the  benefit  of  a  bad  act 
and  let  others  bear  the  blame  of  it. 

Almagro  and  his  followers  are  reported  by  Pi- 
zarro's  secretaries  to  have  first  insisted  on  the 
Inca's  death.  They  were  loudly  supported  by 
the  treasurer  and  the  royal  officers,  who  considered 
it  as  indispensable  to  the  interests  of  the  crown; 
and,  finally,  the  rumors  of  a  conspiracy  raised  the 
same  cry  among  the  soldiers,  and  Pizarro,  with 
all  his  tenderness  for  his  prisoner,  could  not  refuse 
to  bring  him  to  trial.  The  form  of  a  trial  was 
necessary  to  give  an  appearance  of  fairness  to  the 
proceedings.  That  it  was  only  form  is  evident 
from  the  indecent  haste  with  which  it  was  con- 
ducted,— the  examination  of  evidence,  the  sen- 
tence, and  the  execution  being  all  on  the  same 
day.  The  multiplication  of  the  charges,  designed 
to  place  the  guilt  of  the  accused  on  the  strongest 
ground,  had,  from  their  very  number,  the  oppo- 
site effect,  proving  only  the  determination  to  con- 
vict him.  If  Pizarro  had  felt  the  reluctance  to 
his  conviction  which  he  pretended,  why  did  he  send 
De  Soto,  Atahuallpa's  best  friend,  away,  when 


192  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  inquiry  was  to  be  instituted?  Why  was  the 
sentence  so  summarily  executed,  as  not  to  afford 
opportunity,  by  that  cavalier's  return,  of  dis- 
proving the  truth  of  the  principal  charge, — the 
only  one,  in  fact,  with  which  the  Spaniards  had 
any  concern?  The  solemn  farce  of  mourning  and 
deep  sorrow  affected  by  Pizarro,  who  by  these 
honors  to  the  dead  would  intimate  the  sincere 
regard  he  had  entertained  for  the  living,  was  too 
thin  a  veil  to  impose  on  the  most  credulous. 

It  is  not  intended  by  these  reflections  to  excul- 
pate the  rest  of  the  army,  and  especially  its  officers, 
from  their  share  in  the  infamy  of  the  transaction. 
But  Pizarro,  as  commander  of  the  army,  was 
mainly  responsible  for  its  measures.  For  he  was 
not  a  man  to  allow  his  own  authority  to  be  wrested 
from  his  grasp,  or  to  yield  timidly  to  the  impulses 
of  others.  He  did  not  even  yield  to  his  own.  His 
whole  career  shows  him,  whether  for  good  or  for 
evil,  to  have  acted  with  a  cool  and  calculating 
policy. 

A  story  has  been  often  repeated,  which  refers 
the  motives  of  Pizarro's  conduct,  in  some  degree 
at  least,  to  personal  resentment.  The  Inca  had 
requested  one  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  to  write  the 
name  of  God  on  his  nail.  This  the  monarch 
showed  to  several  of  his  guards  successively,  and, 
as  they  read  it,  and  each  pronounced  the  same 
word,  the  sagacious  mind  of  the  barbarian  was 
delighted  with  what  seemed  to  him  little  short  of 
a  miracle, — to  which  the  science  of  his  own  nation 
afforded  no  analogy.  On  showing  the  writing  to 
Pizarro,  that  chief  remained  silent;  and  the  Inca, 


1533]  REFLECTIONS  193 

finding  he  could  not  read,  conceived  a  contempt 
for  the  commander  who  was  even  less  informed 
than  his  soldiers.  This  he  did  not  wholly  conceal, 
and  Pizarro,  aware  of  the  cause  of  it,  neither  for- 
got nor  forgave  it."  The  anecdote  is  reported  not 
on  the  highest  authority.  It  may  be  true;  but  it 
is  unnecessary  to  look  for  the  motives  of  Pizarro's 
conduct  in  personal  pique,  when  so  many  proofs 
are  to  be  discerned  of  a  dark  and  deliberate  policy. 
Yet  the  arts  of  the  Spanish  chieftain  failed  to 
reconcile  his  countrymen  to  the  atrocity  of  his 
proceedings.  It  is  singular  to  observe  the  differ- 
ence between  the  tone  assumed  by  the  first  chron- 
iclers of  the  transaction,  while  it  was  yet  fresh, 
and  that  of  those  who  wrote  when  the  lapse  of  a 
few  years  had  shown  the  tendency  of  public 
opinion.  The  first  boldly  avow  the  deed  as  de- 
manded by  expediency,  if  not  necessity;  while 
they  deal  in  no  measured  terms  of  reproach  with 
the  character  of  their  unfortunate  victim.^^  The 
latter,  on  the  other  hand,  while  they  extenuate  the 
errors  of  the  Inca,  and  do  justice  to  his  good  faith, 
are  unreserved  in  their  condemnation  of  the  Con- 

"  The  story  is  to  be  found  in  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  (Com.  Real., 
Parte  2,  cap.  38),  and  in  no  other  writer  of  the  period,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware. 

"  I  have  already  noticed  the  lavish  epithets  heaped  by  Xerez  on  the 
Inca's  cruelty.  This  account  was  printed  in  Spain,  in  1534,  the  year 
after  the  execution.  "  The  proud  tyrant,"  says  the  other  secretary, 
Sancho,  "  would  have  repaid  the  kindness  and  good  treatment  he  had 
received  from  the  governor  and  every  one  of  us  with  the  same  coin 
with  which  he  usually  paid  his  own  followers,  without  any  fault  on 
their  part, — by  putting  them  to  death."  (Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ra- 
musio,  tom.  iii.  fol.  399.)  "  He  deserved  to  die,"  says  the  old  Spanish 
Conqueror  before  quoted,  "and  all  the  country  was  rejoiced  that  he 
was  put  out  of  the  way."  Rel.  d'un  Capitano  Spagn.,  ap.  Ramusio, 
tom.  iii.  fol.  377. 
Vol.  II.— 13 


/ 


194  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

querors,  on  whose  conduct,  they  say,  Heaven  set 
the  seal  of  its  own  reprobation,  by  bringing  them 
all  to  an  untimely  and  miserable  end.*^  The  sen- 
tence of  contemporaries  has  been  fully  ratified  by 
that  of  posterity ;  ^®  and  the  persecution  of  Ata- 
huallpa  is  regarded  with  justice  as  having  left  a 
stain,  never  to  be  effaced,  on  the  Spanish  arms  in 
the  New  World. 

*' "  Las  demostraciones  que  despues  se  vieron  bien  manifiestan  lo 
mui  injusta  que  fu^,  .  .  .  puesto  que  todos  quantos  entendieron  en 
ella  tuvieron  despues  mui  desastradas  muertes."  (Naharro,  Relacion 
sumaria,  MS.)  Gomara  uses  nearly  the  same  language.  "  No  ai  que 
reprehender  k  los  que  le  mataron,  pues  el  tiempo,  i  sus  pacados  los 
castigaron  despues;  c^  todos  ellos  acabaron  mal."  (Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
cap.  118.)  According  to  the  former  writer,  Felipillo  paid  the  forfeit 
of  his  crimes,  some  time  afterwards, — being  hanged  by  Almagro  on 
the  expedition  to  Chili, — when,  as  "  some  say,  he  confessed  having  per- 
verted testimony  given  in  favor  of  Atahuallpa's  innocence,  directly 
against  that  monarch."  Oviedo,  usually  ready  enough  to  excuse  the 
excesses  of  his  countrymen,  is  unqualified  in  his  condemnation  of  this 
whole  proceeding  (see  Appendix  No.  10),  which,  says  another  con- 
temporary, "  fills  every  one  with  pity  who  has  a  spark  of  humanity  in 
his  bosom."    Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

*'The  most  eminent  example  of  this  is  given  by  Quintana  in  his 
memoir  of  Pizarro  (Espanoles  c^lebres,  tom.  ii.),  throughout  which 
the  writer,  rising  above  the  mists  of  national  prejudice,  which  too 
often  blind  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen,  holds  the  scale  of  historic 
criticism  with  an  impartial  hand,  and  deals  a  full  measure  of  repro- 
bation to  the  actors  in  these  dismal  scenes. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

DISORDERS  IN  PERU  —  MARCH  TO  CUZCO  —  EN- 
COUNTER WITH  THE  NATIVES — CHALLCUCHIMA 
BURNT  —  ARRIVAL  IN  CUZCO  —  DESCRIPTION  OF 
THE  CITY — TREASURE  FOUND  THERE 

1533-1534 

THE  Inca  of  Peru  was  its  sovereign  in  a  pecu- 
liar sense.  He  received  an  obedience  from 
his  vassals  more  implicit  than  that  of  any  despot; 
for  his  authority  reached  to  the  most  secret  con- 
duct,— to  the  thoughts  of  the  individual.  He  was 
reverenced  as  more  than  human.*  He  was  not 
merely  the  head  of  the  state,  but  the  point  to 
which  all  its  institutions  converged,  as  to  a  com- 
mon centre, — the  keystone  of  the  political  fabric, 
which  must  fall  to  pieces  by  its  own  weight  when 
that  was  withdrawn.  So  it  fared  on  the  death  of 
Atahuallpa.^    His  death  not  only  left  the  throne 

* "  Such  was  the  awe  in  which  the  Inca  was  held,"  says  Pedro  Pi- 
zarro,  "  that  it  was  only  necessary  for  him  to  intimate  his  commands 
to  that  effect,  and  a  Peruvian  would  at  once  jump  down  a  precipice, 
hang  himself,  or  put  an  end  to  his  life  in  any  way  that  was  pre- 
scribed."   Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

'  Oviedo  tells  us  that  the  Inca's  right  name  was  Atabaliva,  and  that 
the  Spaniards  usually  misspelt  it,  because  they  thought  much  more  of 
getting  treasure  for  themselves  than  they  did  of  the  name  of  the  per- 
son who  owned  it.  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  16.) 
Nevertheless,  I  have  preferred  the  authority  of  Garcilasso,  who,  a  Pe- 
ruvian himself,  and  a  near  kinsman  of  the  Inca,  must  be  supposed  to 
have  been  well  informed.  His  countrymen,  he  says,  pretended  that 
the  cocks  imported  into  Peru  by  the  Spaniards,  when  they  crowed, 

195 


196  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

vacant,  without  any  certain  successor,  but  the  man- 
ner of  it  announced  to  the  Peruvian  people  that  a 
hand  stronger  than  that  of  their  Incas  had  now 
seized  the  sceptre,  and  that  the  dynasty  of  the 
Children  of  the  Sun  had  passed  away  forever. 

The  natural  consequences  of  such  a  conviction 
followed.  The  beautiful  order  of  the  ancient  in- 
stitutions was  broken  up,  as  the  authority  which 
controlled  it  was  withdrawn.  The  Indians  broke 
out  into  greater  excesses  from  the  uncommon  re- 
straint to  which  they  had  been  before  subjected. 
Villages  were  burnt,  temples  and  palaces  were 
plundered,  and  the  gold  they  contained  was  scat- 
tered or  secreted.  Gold  and  silver  acquired  an 
importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  Peruvian,  when  he 
saw  the  importance  attached  to  them  by  his  con- 
querors. The  precious  metals,  which  before 
served  only  for  purposes  of  state  or  religious 
decoration,  were  now  hoarded  up  and  buried  in 
caves  and  forests.  The  gold  and  silver  concealed 
by  the  natives  were  affirmed  greatly  to  exceed  in 
quantity  that  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards.^  The  remote  provinces  now  shook  off 
their  allegiance  to  the  Incas.  Their  great  cap- 
tains, at  the  head  of  distant  armies,  set  up  for 
themselves.  Ruminavi,  a  commander  on  the  bor- 
ders of  Quito,  sought  to  detach  that  kingdom 

uttered  the  name  of  Atahuallpa ;  "  and  I  and  the  other  Indian  boys," 
adds  the  historian,  "  when  we  were  at  school,  used  to  mimic  them." 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  9,  cap.  23. 

*  "  That  which  the  Inca  gave  the  Spaniards,  said  some  of  the  Indian 
nobles  to  Benalcazar,  the  conqueror  of  Quito,  was  but  as  a  kernel  of 
com,  compared  with  a  heap  before  him."  (Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Indian,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  22.)  See  also  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y  Conq.,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 


1*33]  DISORDERS    IN    PERU  197 

from  the  Peruvian  empire  and  to  reassert  its 
ancient  independence.  The  country,  in  short,  was 
in  that  state  in  which  old  things  are  passing  away 
and  the  new  order  of  things  has  not  yet  been 
established.    It  was  in  a  state  of  revolution. 

The  authors  of  the  revolution,  Pizarro  and  his 
followers,  remained  meanwhile  at  Caxamalca. 
But  the  first  step  of  the  Spanish  commander 
was  to  name  a  successor  to  Atahuallpa.  It  would 
be  easy  to  govern  under  the  venerated  authority 
to  which  the  homage  of  the  Indians  had  been  so 
long  paid;  and  it  was  not  difficult  to  find  a  suc- 
cessor. The  true  heir  to  the  crown  was  a  second 
son  of  Huayna  Capac,  named  Manco,  a  legitimate 
brother  of  the  unfortunate  Huascar.  But  Pizarro 
had  too  little  knowledge  of  the  dispositions  of  this 
prince ;  and  he  made  no  scruple  to  prefer  a  brother 
of  Atahuallpa  and  to  present  him  to  the  Indian 
nobles  as  their  future  Inca.  We  know  nothing 
of  the  character  of  the  young  Toparca,  who  prob- 
ably resigned  himself  without  reluctance  to  a 
destiny  which,  however  humiliating  in  some  points 
of  view,  was  more  exalted  than  he  could  have 
hoped  to  obtain  in  the  regular  course  of  events. 
The  ceremonies  attending  a  Peruvian  coronation 
were  observed,  as  well  as  time  would  allow;  the 
brows  of  the  young  Inca  were  encircled  with  the 
imperial  horla  by  the  hands  of  his  conqueror,  and 
he  received  the  homage  of  his  Indian  vassals. 
They  were  the  less  reluctant  to  pay  it,  as  most 
of  those  in  the  camp  belonged  to  the  faction  of 
Quito. 

All  thoughts  were  now  eagerly  turned  towards 


198  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Cuzco,  of  which  the  most  glowing  accounts  were 
circulated  among  the  soldiers,  and  whose  temples 
and  royal  palaces  were  represented  as  blazing  with 
gold  and  silver.  With  imaginations  thus  excited, 
Pizarro  and  his  entire  company,  amounting  to 
almost  five  hundred  men,  of  whom  nearly  a  third, 
probably,  were  cavalry,  took  their  departure  early 
in  September  from  Caxamalca, — a  place  ever 
memorable  as  the  theatre  of  some  of  the  most 
strange  and  sanguinary  scenes  recorded  in  his- 
tory. All  set  forward  in  high  spirits, — the  soldiers 
of  Pizarro  from  the  expectation  of  doubling  their 
present  riches,  and  Almagro's  followers  from  the 
prospect  of  sharing  equally  in  the  spoil  with  *'  the 
first  conquerors."  *  The  young  Inca  and  the  old 
chief  Challcuchima  accompanied  the  march  in  their 
litters,  attended  by  a  numerous  retinue  of  vassals, 
and  moving  in  as  much  state  and  ceremony  as  if 
in  the  possession  of  real  power.^ 

Their  course  lay  along  the  great  road  of  the 
Incas,  which  stretched  across  the  elevated  regions 
of  the  Cordilleras,  all  the  way  to  Cuzco.  It  was 
of  nearly  a  uniform  breadth,  though  constructed 
with  different  degrees  of  care,  according  to  the 
ground.^  Sometimes  it  crossed  smooth  and  level 
valleys,  which  offered  of  themselves  little  impedi- 
ment to  the  traveller;   at  other  times  it  followed 

*  The  "  first  conquerors,"  according  to  Garcilasso,  were  held  in 
especial  honor  by  those  who  came  after  them,  though  they  were,  on 
the  whole,  men  of  less  consideration  and  fortune  than  the  later 
adventurers.     Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  9. 

*  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  suma- 
ria,  MS. — Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  iii.  fol.  -tOO. 

*  "  Va  todo  cl  camino  de  una  traza  y  anchura  hecho  &  mano."  Re- 
lacion del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 


1533J  MARCH    TO    CUZCO  199 

the  course  of  a  mountain-stream  that  flowed  round 
the  base  of  some  beethng  cHff,  leaving  small  space 
for  the  foothold ;  at  others,  again,  where  the  sierra 
was  so  precipitous  that  it  seemed  to  preclude  all 
farther  progress,  the  road,  accommodated  to  the 
natural  sinuosities  of  the  ground,  wound  round 
the  heights  which  it  would  have  been  impossible 
to  scale  directly.^ 

But,  although  managed  with  great  address,  it 
was  a  formidable  passage  for  the  cavalry.  The 
mountain  was  hewn  into  steps,  but  the  rocky 
ledges  cut  up  the  hoofs  of  the  horses;  and,  though 
the  troopers  dismounted  and  led  them  by  the 
bridle,  they  suffered  severely  in  their  efforts  to 
keep  their  footing.^  The  road  was  constructed 
for  man  and  the  light-footed  llama ;  and  the  only 
heavy  beast  of  burden  at  all  suited  to  it  was  the 
sagacious  and  sure-footed  mule,  with  which  the 
Spanish  adventurers  were  not  then  provided.  It 
was  a  singular  chance  that  Spain  was  the  land  of 
the  mule ;  and  thus  the  country  was  speedily  sup- 
plied with  the  very  animal  which  seems  to  have 
been  created  for  the  difficult  passes  of  the  Cordil- 
leras. 

Another  obstacle,  often  occurring,  was  the  deep 
torrents  that  rushed  down  in  fury  from  the  Andes. 
They  were  traversed  by  the  hanging  bridges  of 
osier,  whose  frail  materials  were  after  a  time 
broken  up  by  the  heavy  tread  of  the  cavalry,  and 
the  holes  made  in  them  added  materially  to  the 

^ "  En  miichas  partes  vicndo  lo  que  estd  adelante,  parece  cosa  im- 
possible poderlo  pasar."     Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 
'  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  foi.  404. 


200  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

dangers  of  the  passage.  On  such  occasions  the 
Spaniards  contrived  to  work  their  way  across  the 
rivers  on  rafts,  swimming  their  horses  by  the 
bridle.^ 

All  along  the  route  they  found  post-houses  for 
the  accommodation  of  the  royal  couriers,  estab- 
lished at  regular  intervals;  and  magazines  of 
grain  and  other  commodities,  provided  in  the 
principal  towns  for  the  Indian  armies.  The 
Spaniards  profited  by  the  prudent  forecast  of 
the  Peruvian  government. 

Passing  through  several  hamlets  and  towns  of 
some  note,  the  principal  of  which  were  Huama- 
chuco  and  Huanuco,  Pizarro,  after  a  tedious 
march,  came  in  sight  of  the  rich  valley  of  Xauxa. 
The  march,  though  tedious,  had  been  attended 
with  little  suffering,  except  in  crossing  the  brist- 
ling crests  of  the  Cordilleras,  which  occasionally 
obstructed  their  path, — a  rough  setting  to  the 
beautiful  valleys  that  lay  scattered  like  gems 
along  this  elevated  region.  In  the  mountain- 
passes  they  found  some  inconvenience  from  the 
cold;  since,  to  move  more  quickly,  they  had  dis- 
encumbered themselves  of  all  superfluous  bag- 
gage, and  were  even  unprovided  with  tents. ^" 
The  bleak  winds  of  the  mountains  penetrated 
the  thick  harness  of  the  soldiers;  but  the  poor 
Indians,  more  scantily  clothed,  and  accustomed 
to  a  tropical  climate,  suffered  most  severely.    The 

•Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  ubi  supra. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. 

'" "  I>a  notte  dormirono  tutti  in  qiiella  campapna  senzi  coperto 
alcuno,  sopra  la  neue,  ne  pur  hebber  soimenimento  di  Iccriip  ne  da 
mangiare."    Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  401. 


1533J  MARCH    TO    CUZCO  201 

Spaniard  seemed  to  have  a  hardihood  of  body,  as 
of  soul,  that  rendered  him  ahnost  indifferent  to 
climate. 

On  the  march  they  had  not  been  molested  by 
enemies.  But  more  than  once  they  had  seen  ves- 
tiges of  them  in  smoking  hamlets  and  ruined 
bridges.  Reports,  from  time  to  time,  had  reached 
Pizarro  of  warriors  on  his  track ;  and  small  bodies 
of  Indians  were  occasionally  seen  like  dusky 
clouds  on  the  verge  of  the  horizon,  which  van- 
ished as  the  Spaniards  approached.  On  reaching 
Xauxa,  however,  these  clouds  gathered  into  one 
dark  mass  of  warriors,  which  formed  on  the  oppo- 
site bank  of  the  river  that  flowed  through  the 
valley. 

The  Spaniards  advanced  to  the  stream,  which, 
swollen  by  the  melting  of  the  snows,  was  now  of 
considerable  width,  though  not  deep.  The  bridge 
had  been  destroyed;  but  the  Conquerors,  without 
hesitation,  dashing  boldly  in,  advanced,  swimming 
and  wading,  as  they  best  could,  to  the  opposite 
bank.  The  Indians,  disconcerted  by  this  decided 
movement,  as  they  had  relied  on  their  m  atery  de- 
fences, took  to  flight,  after  letting  ofl*  an  impo- 
tent volley  of  missiles.  Fear  gave  wings  to  the 
fugitives ;  but  the  horse  and  his  rider  were  swifter, 
and  the  victorious  pursuers  took  bloody  vengeance 
on  their  enemy  for  having  dared  even  to  meditate 
resistance. 

Xauxa  was  a  considerable  town.  It  was  the 
place  already  noticed  as  having  been  visited  by 
Hernando  Pizarro.  It  was  seated  in  the  midst 
of  a  verdant  valley,  fertilized  by  a  thousand  little 


202  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

rills,  which  the  thrifty  Indian  husbandmen  drew 
from  the  parent  river  that  rolled  sluggishly 
through  the  meadows.  There  were  several 
capacious  buildings  of  rough  stone  in  the  town, 
and  a  temple  of  some  note  in  the  times  of  the 
Incas.  But  the  strong  arm  of  Father  Valverde 
and  his  countrymen  soon  tumbled  the  heathen 
deities  from  their  pride  of  place,  and  established, 
in  their  stead,  the  sacred  effigies  of  the  Virgin  and 
Child. 

Here  Pizarro  proposed  to  halt  for  some  days, 
and  to  found  a  Spanish  colony.  It  was  a  favor- 
able position,  he  thought,  for  holding  the  Indian 
mountaineers  in  check,  while  at  the  same  time  it 
afforded  an  easy  communication  with  the  sea- 
coast.  Meanwhile  he  determined  to  send  forward 
De  Soto,  with  a  detachment  of  sixty  horse,  to 
reconnoitre  the  country  in  advance,  and  to  restore 
the  bridges  where  demolished  by  the  enemy.^^ 

That  active  cavalier  set  forward  at  once,  but 
found  considerable  impediments  to  his  progress. 
The  traces  of  an  enemy  became  more  frequent  as 
he  advanced.  The  villages  were  burnt,  the  bridges 
destroyed,  and  heavy  rocks  and  trees  strewed  in 
the  path  to  impede  the  march  of  the  cavalry.  As 
he  drew  near  to  Bilcas,  once  an  important  place, 
though  now  effaced  from  the  map,  he  had  a  sharp 
encounter  with  the  natives,  in  a  mountain-defile, 
which  cost  him  the  lives  of  two  or  three  troopers. 

"  Carta  de  la  Justicia  y  Rcpimiento  de  la  Ciudad  dc  Xauja,  MS. — 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i  Poh.  del  Pirn,  MS. — 
Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  10. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. 


1533]  MARCH    TO    CUZCO  203 

The  loss  was  light;  but  any  loss  was  felt  by  the 
Spaniards,  so  little  accustomed  as  they  had  been 
of  late  to  resistance. 

Still  pressing  forward,  the  Spanish  captain 
crossed  the  river  Abancay  and  the  broad  waters 
of  the  Apurimac ;  and,  as  he  drew  near  the  sierra 
of  Vilcaconga,  he  learned  that  a  considerable  body 
of  Indians  lay  in  wait  for  him  in  the  dangerous 
passes  of  the  mountains.  The  sierra  was  several 
leagues  from  Cuzco ;  and  the  cavalier,  desirous  to 
reach  the  farther  side  of  it  before  nightfall,  in- 
cautiously pushed  on  his  wearied  horses.  When  he 
was  fairly  entangled  in  its  rocky  defiles,  a  multi- 
tude of  armed  warriors,  springing,  as  it  seemed, 
from  every  cavern  and  thicket  of  the  sierra,  filled 
the  air  with  their  war-cries,  and  rushed  down,  like 
one  of  their  own  mountain-torrents,  on  the  in- 
vaders, as  they  were  painfully  toiling  up  the 
steeps.  Men  and  horses  were  overturned  in  the 
fury  of  the  assault,  and  the  foremost  files,  rolling 
back  on  those  below,  spread  ruin  and  consterna- 
tion in  their  ranks.  De  Soto  in  vain  endeavored 
to  restore  order,  and,  if  possible,  to  charge  the 
assailants.  The  horses  were  blinded  and  mad- 
dened by  the  missiles,  while  the  desperate  natives, 
clinging  to  their  legs,  strove  to  prevent  their  as- 
cend up  the  rocky  pathway.  De  Soto  saw  that, 
unless  he  gained  a  level  ground  which  opened  at 
some  distance  before  him,  all  must  be  lost.  Cheer- 
ing on  his  men  with  the  old  battle-cry,  that  always 
went  to  the  heart  of  a  Spaniard,  he  struck  his  spurs 
deep  into  the  sides  of  his  wearied  charger,  and, 
gallantly  supported  by  his  troop,  broke  through 


204  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  dark  array  of  warriors,  and,  shaking  them  oif 
to  the  right  and  left,  at  length  succeeded  in  placing 
himself  on  the  broad  level. 

Here  both  parties  paused,  as  if  by  mutual  con- 
sent, for  a  few  moments.  A  little  stream  ran 
through  the  plain,  at  which  the  Spaniards  watered 
their  horses ;  ^^  and,  the  animals  having  recovered 
wind,  De  Soto  and  his  men  made  a  desperate 
charge  on  their  assailants.  The  undaunted  In- 
dians sustained  the  shock  with  firmness;  and  the 
result  of  the  combat  was  still  doubtful,  when  the 
shades  of  evening,  falling  thicker  around  them, 
separated  the  combatants. 

Both  parties  then  withdrew  from  the  field, 
taking  up  their  respective  stations  within  bow- 
shot of  each  other,  so  that  the  voices  of  the  war- 
riors on  either  side  could  be  distinctly  heard  in 
the  stillness  of  the  night.  But  very  diiferent  were 
the  reflections  of  the  two  hosts.  The  Indians, 
exulting  in  their  temporary  triumph,  looked  with 
confidence  to  the  morrow  to  complete  it.  The 
Spaniards,  on  the  other  hand,  were  proportion- 
ately discouraged.  They  were  not  prepared  for 
this  spirit  of  resistance  in  an  enemy  hitherto  so 
tame.  Several  cavaliers  had  fallen, — one  of  them 
by  a  blow  from  a  Peruvian  battle-axe,  which  clove 
his  head  to  the  chin,  attesting  the  power  of  the 
weapon  and  of  the  arm  that  used  it.^^  Several 
horses,  too,  had  been  killed;  and  the  loss  of  these 
was  almost  as  severely  felt  as  that  of  their  riders, 
considering  the  great  cost  and  difficulty  of  trans- 

"  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  405. 
"  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  loc.  cit. 


1533]  MARCH    TO    CUZCO  205 

porting  them  to  these  distant  regions.  Few  either 
of  the  men  or  horses  had  escaped  without  wounds, 
and  the  Indian  allies  had  suffered  still  more 
severely. 

It  seemed  probable,  from  the  pertinacity  and  a 
certain  order  maintained  in  the  assault,  that  it  was 
directed  by  some  leader  of  military  experience, — 
perhaps  the  Indian  commander  Quizquiz,  who  was 
said  to  be  hanging  round  the  environs  of  Cuzco 
with  a  considerable  force. 

Notwithstanding  the  reasonable  cause  of  appre- 
hension for  the  morrow,  De  Soto,  like  a  stout- 
hearted cavalier  as  he  was,  strove  to  keep  up  the 
spirits  of  his  followers.  If  they  had  beaten  off 
the  enemy  when  their  horses  were  jaded  and  their 
own  strength  nearly  exhausted,  how  much  easier 
it  would  be  to  come  off  victorious  when  both  were 
restored  by  a  night's  rest!  and  he  told  them  to 
"  trust  in  the  Almighty,  who  would  never  desert 
his  faithful  followers  in  their  extremity."  The 
event  justified  De  Soto's  confidence  in  this  season- 
able succor. 

From  time  to  time,  on  his  march,  he  had  sent 
advices  to  Pizarro  of  the  menacing  state  of  the 
country,  till  his  commander,  becoming  seriously 
alarmed,  was  apprehensive  that  the  cavalier  might 
be  overpowered  by  the  superior  numbers  of  the 
enemy.  He  accordingly  detached  Almagro,  with 
nearly  all  the  remaining  horse,  to  his  support, — 
unencumbered  by  infantry,  that  he  might  move 
the  faster.  That  efficient  leader  advanced  by 
forced  marches,  stimulated  by  the  tidings  which 
met  him  on  the  road,  and  was  so  fortunate  as  to 


206  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

reach  the  foot  of  the  sierra  of  Vilcaconga  the  very 
night  of  the  engagement. 

There,  hearing  of  the  encounter,  he  pushed  for- 
ward without  halting,  though  his  horses  were 
spent  with  travel.  The  night  was  exceedingly 
dark,  and  Almagro,  afraid  of  stumbling  on  the 
enemy's  bivouac,  and  desirous  to  give  De  Soto 
information  of  his  approach,  commanded  his 
trumpets  to  sound,  till  the  notes,  winding  through 
the  defiles  of  the  mountains,  broke  the  slumbers 
of  his  countrymen,  sounding  like  blithest  music 
in  their  ears.  They  quickly  replied  with  their  own 
bugles,  and  soon  had  the  satisfaction  to  embrace 
their  deliverers.^* 

Great  was  the  dismay  of  the  Peruvian  host  when 
the  morning  light  discovered  the  fresh  reinforce- 
ment of  the  ranks  of  the  Spaniards.  There  was 
no  use  in  contending  with  an  enemy  who  gathered 
strength  from  the  conflict,  and  who  seemed  to 
multiply  his  numbers  at  will.  Without  further 
attempt  to  renew  the  fight,  they  availed  themselves 
of  a  thick  fog,  which  hung  over  the  lower  slopes 
of  the  hills,  to  effect  their  retreat,  and  left  the 
passes  open  to  the  invaders.  The  two  cavaliers 
then  continued  their  march  until  they  extricated 
their  forces  from  the  sierra,  when,  taking  up  a 
secure  position,  they  proposed  to  await  there  the 
arrival  of  Pizarro.^^ 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  j  Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib.  5,  cap.  3. 

"  The  account  of  De  Soto's  affair  with  the  natives  is  given  in  more 
or  less  detail,  by  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  405, — 
Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS., — 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS., — persons  all  present  in  the 
army. 


1533J  MARCH    TO    CUZCO  207 

The  commander-in-chief,  meanwhile,  lay  at 
Xauxa,  where  he  was  greatly  disturbed  by  the 
rumors  which  reached  him  of  the  state  of  the 
country.  His  enterprise,  thus  far,  had  gone  for- 
ward so  smoothly  that  he  was  no  better  prepared 
than  his  lieutenant  to  meet  with  resistance  from 
the  natives.  He  did  not  seem  to  comprehend  that 
the  mildest  nature  might  at  last  be  roused  by 
oppression,  and  that  the  massacre  of  their  Inca, 
whom  they  regarded  with  such  awful  veneration, 
would  be  likely,  if  any  thing  could  do  it,  to  wake 
them  from  their  apathy. 

The  tidings  which  he  now  received  of  the  re- 
treat of  the  Peruvians  were  most  welcome;  and 
he  caused  mass  to  be  said,  and  thanksgiving  to 
be  offered  up  to  Heaven,  "  which  had  shown  itself 
thus  favorable  to  the  Christians  throughout  this 
mighty  enterprise."  The  Spaniard  was  ever  a 
Crusader.  He  was  in  the  sixteenth  century  what 
Coeur  de  Lion  and  his  brave  knights  were  in  the 
twelfth,  with  this  difference;  the  cavalier  of  that 
day  fought  for  the  Cross  and  for  glory,  while 
gold  and  the  Cross  were  the  watchwords  of  the 
Spaniard.  The  spirit  of  chivalry  had  waned 
somewhat  before  the  spirit  of  trade;  but  the 
fire  of  religious  enthusiasm  still  burned  as  bright 
under  the  quilted  mail  of  the  American  Conqueror 
as  it  did  of  yore  under  the  iron  panoply  of  the 
soldier  of  Palestine. 

It  seemed  probable  that  some  man  of  authority 
had  organized,  or  at  least  countenanced,  this  re- 
sistance of  the  natives;  and  suspicion  fell  on  the 
captive  chief  Challcuchima,  who  was  accused  of 


208  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

maintaining  a  secret  correspondence  with  his  con- 
federate Quizquiz.  Pizarro  waited  on  the  Indian 
noble,  and,  charging  him  with  the  conspiracy,  re- 
proached him,  as  he  had  formerly  done  his  royal 
master,  with  ingratitude  towards  the  Spaniards, 
who  had  dealt  with  him  so  liberally.  He  con- 
cluded by  the  assurance  that,  if  he  did  not  cause 
the  Peruvians  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  tender 
their  submission  at  once,  he  should  be  burnt  alive 
so  soon  as  they  reached  Almagro's  quarters/*^ 

The  Indian  chief  listened  to  the  terrible  menace 
with  the  utmost  composure.  He  denied  having 
had  any  communications  with  his  countrymen,  and 
said  that,  in  his  present  state  of  confinement  at 
least,  he  could  have  no  power  to  bring  them  to 
submission.  He  then  remained  doggedly  silent, 
and  Pizarro  did  not  press  the  matter  further.^ ^ 
But  he  placed  a  strong  guard  over  his  prisoner, 
and  caused  him  to  be  put  in  irons.  It  was  an 
ominous  proceeding,  and  had  been  the  precursor 
of  the  death  of  Atahuallpa. 

Before  quitting  Xauxa,  a  misfortune  befell  the 
Spaniards,  in  the  death  of  their  creature  the  young 
Inca  Toparca.  Suspicion,  of  course,  fell  on  Chall- 
cuchima,  now  selected  as  the  scape-goat  for  all  the 
offences  of  his  nation.^*    It  was  a  disappointment 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 
Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  406. 

"  Ped.  Sancho,  Rcl.,  ap.  Ramusio,  ubi  supra. 

"  It  seems,  from  the  language  of  the  letter  addressed  to  the  empe- 
ror by  the  municipality  of  Xauxa,  that  the  troops  themselves  were  far 
from  being  convinced  of  Challcuchima's  guilt:  "  Publico  fue,  aunque 
dello  no  ubo  averiguacion  in  certenidad,  que  el  capitan  Chaliconiman 
le  abia  dado  ierbas  o  a  beber  con  que  murio."  Carta  de  la  Just,  y 
Reg.  de  Xauja,  MS. 


1633]  MARCH    TO    CUZCO  209 

to  Pizarro,  who  hoped  to  find  a  convenient  shelter 
for  his  future  proceedings  under  this  shadow  of 
royalty.*® 

The  general  considered  it  most  prudent  not  to 
hazard  the  loss  of  his  treasures  by  taking  them  on 
the  march,  and  he  accordingly  left  them  at  Xauxa, 
under  a  guard  of  forty  soldiers,  who  remained 
there  in  garrison.  No  event  of  importance  oc- 
curred on  the  road,  and,  Pizarro  having  effected  a 
junction  with  Almagro,  their  united  forces  soon 
entered  the  vale  of  Xaquixaguana,  about  five 
leagues  from  Cuzco.  This  was  one  of  those  bright 
spots,  so  often  found  embosomed  amidst  the 
Andes,  the  more  beautiful  from  contrast  with 
the  savage  character  of  the  scenery  around  it.  A 
river  flowed  through  the  valley,  affording  the 
means  of  irrigating  the  soil  and  clothing  it  in 
perpetual  verdure;  and  the  rich  and  flowering 
vegetation  spread  out  like  a  cultivated  garden. 
The  beauty  of  the  place  and  its  delicious  coolness 
commended  it  as  a  residence  for  the  Peruvian 
nobles,  and  the  sides  of  the  hills  were  dotted  with 
their  villas,  which  afforded  them  a  grateful  re- 
treat in  the  heats  of  summer.^"  Yet  the  centre  of 
the  valley  was  disfigured  by  a  quagmire  of  some 

"  According  to  Velasco,  Toparca,  whom,  however,  he  calls  by 
another  name,  tore  off  the  diadem  bestowed  on  him  by  Pizarro,  with 
disdain,  and  died  in  a  few  weeks  of  chagrin.  (Hist,  de  Quito,  tom. 
i.  p.  377.)  This  writer,  a  Jesuit  of  Quito,  seems  to  feel  himself  bound 
to  make  out  as  good  a  case  for  Atahuallpa  and  his  family  as  if  he  had 
been  expressly  retained  in  their  behalf.  His  vouchers — when  he  con- 
descends to  give  any — too  rarely  bear  him  out  in  his  statements  to 
inspire  us  with  much  confidence  in  his  correctness. 

"  "  Aiiia  en  este  valle  muy  sumptuosos  aposentos  y  ricos  adonde 
los  senores  del  Cuzco  salian  a  tomar  sus  plazeres  y  solazes."     Cieza 
de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  91. 
Vol.  n.— 14 


210  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

extent,  occasioned  by  the  frequent  overflowing  of 
the  waters;  but  the  industry  of  the  Indian  archi- 
tects had  constructed  a  sohd  causeway,  faced  with 
heavy  stone,  and  connected  with  the  great  road, 
which  traversed  the  whole  breadth  of  the  morass.^^ 

In  this  valley  Pizarro  halted  for  several  days, 
while  he  refreshed  his  troops  from  the  well-stored 
magazines  of  the  Incas.  His  first  act  was  to  bring 
Challcuchima  to  trial, — if  trial  that  could  be  called, 
where  sentence  may  be  said  to  have  gone  hand  in 
hand  with  accusation.  We  are  not  informed  of 
the  nature  of  the  evidence.  It  was  sufficient  to 
satisfy  the  Spanish  captains  of  the  chieftain's 
guilt.  Nor  is  it  at  all  incredible  that  Challcu- 
chima should  have  secretly  encouraged  a  move- 
ment among  the  people,  designed  to  secure  his 
country's  freedom  and  his  own.  He  was  con- 
demned to  be  burnt  alive  on  the  spot.  "  Some 
thought  it  a  hard  measure,"  says  Herrera;  "but 
those  who  are  governed  by  reasons  of  state  policy 
are  apt  to  shut  their  eyes  against  every  thing 
else."  ^^  Why  this  cruel  mode  of  execution  was 
so  often  adopted  by  the  Spanish  Conquerors  is  not 
obvious;  unless  it  was  that  the  Indian  was  an  in- 
fidel, and  fire,  from  ancient  date,  seems  to  have 
been  considered  the  fitting  doom  of  the  infidel,  as 
the  type  of  that  inextinguishable  flame  which 
awaited  him  in  the  regions  of  the  damned. 

Father  Valverde  accompanied  the  Peruvian 
chieftain  to  the  stake.  He  seems  always  to  have 
been  present  at  this  dreary  moment,  anxious  to 

"  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  91. 
"  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  3. 


1533]      EXECUTION    OF    CHALLCUCHIMA       211 

profit  by  it,  if  possible,  to  work  the  conversion  of 
the  victim.  He  painted  in  gloomy  colors  the 
dreadful  gloom  of  the  unbeliever,  to  whom  the 
waters  of  baptism  could  alone  secure  the  ineffable 
glories  of  paradise.^"^  It  does  not  appear  that  he 
promised  any  commutation  of  punishment  in  this 
world.  But  his  arguments  fell  on  a  stony  heart, 
and  the  chief  coldly  replied,  he  "  did  not  under- 
stand the  religion  of  the  white  men."  ^*  He  might 
be  pardoned  for  not  comprehending  the  beauty  of 
a  faith  which,  as  it  would  seem,  had  borne  so  bitter 
fruits  to  him.  In  the  midst  of  his  tortures  he 
showed  the  characteristic  courage  of  the  American 
Indian,  whose  power  of  endurance  triumphs  over 
the  power  of  persecution  in  his  enemies,  and  he 
died  with  his  last  breath  invoking  the  name  of 
Pachacamac.  His  ovm  followers  brought  the 
fagots  to  feed  the  flames  that  consumed  him.^' 

Soon  after  this  tragic  event,  Pizarro  was  sur- 
prised by  a  visit  from  a  Peruvian  noble,  who  came 
in  great  state,  attended  by  a  numerous  and  showy 
retinue.  It  was  the  young  prince  Manco,  brother 
of  the  unfortunate  Huascar,  and  the  rightful  suc- 
cessor to  the  crown.  Being  brought  before  the 
Spanish  commander,  he  announced  his  pretensions 
to  the  throne,  and  claimed  the  protection  of  the 
strangers.  It  is  said  he  had  meditated  resisting 
them  by  arms,  and  had  encouraged  the  assaults 
made  on  them  on  their  march,  but,  finding  resist- 

"  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  406. 

-*  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

"Pedro  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  loc.  cit. — Pedro  Pizarro,  De- 
scub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — The  MS.  of  the  old  Conqueror  is  so  much  dam- 
aged in  this  part  of  it  that  much  of  his  account  is  entirely  effaced. 


212  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

ance  ineffectual,  he  had  taken  this  politic  course, 
greatly  to  the  displeasure  of  his  more  resolute 
nobles.  However  this  may  be,  Pizarro  listened 
to  his  application  with  singular  contentment,  for 
he  saw  in  this  new  scion  of  the  true  royal  stock 
a  more  effectual  instrument  for  his  purposes  than 
he  could  have  found  in  the  family  of  Quito,  with 
whom  the  Peruvians  had  but  little  sympathy.  He 
received  the  young  man,  therefore,  with  great  cor- 
diality, and  did  not  hesitate  to  assure  him  that  he 
had  been  sent  into  the  country  by  his  master,  the 
Castilian  sovereign,  in  order  to  vindicate  the  claims 
of  Huascar  to  the  crown  and  to  punish  the  usurpa- 
tion of  his  rival.^^' 

Taking  with  him  the  Indian  prince,  Pizarro  now 
resumed  his  march.  It  was  interrupted  for  a  few 
hours  by  a  party  of  the  natives,  who  lay  in  wait 
for  him  in  the  neighboring  sierra.  A  sharp  skir- 
mish ensued,  in  which  the  Indians  behaved  with 
great  spirit  and  inflicted  some  little  injury  on  the 
Spaniards ;  but  the  latter  at  length,  shaking  them 
off*,  made  good  their  passage  through  the  defile, 
and  the  enemy  did  not  care  to  follow  them  into 
the  open  country. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  the  Con- 
querors came  in  sight  of  Cuzco.-^  The  descend- 
ing sun  was  streaming  his  broad  rays  full  on  the 
imperial  city,  where  many  an  altar  was  dedicated 
to  his  worship.  Tlie  low  ranges  of  buildings,  show- 
ing in  his  beams  like  so  many  lines  of  silvery  light, 

'"Fed.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  4:06. — Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

"  "  Y  dos  horas  antes  que  el  Sol  se  pusicse,  llegaron  d  vista  de  la 
ciudad  del  Cuzco."    Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 


1533]  ARRIVAL    AT    CUZCO  213 

filled  up  the  bosom  of  the  valley  and  the  lower 
slopes  of  the  mountains,  whose  shadowy  forms 
hung  darkly  over  the  fair  city,  as  if  to  shield  it 
from  the  menaced  profanation.  It  was  so  late 
that  Pizarro  resolved  to  defer  his  entrance  till  the 
following  morning. 

That  night  vigilant  guard  was  kept  in  the  camp, 
and  the  soldiers  slept  on  their  arms.  But  it  passed 
away  without  annoyance  from  the  enemy,  and 
early  on  the  following  day,  November  15th,  1533, 
Pizarro  prepared  for  his  entrance  into  the  Peru- 
vian capital.^* 

The  little  army  was  formed  into  three  divisions, 
of  which  the  centre,  or  "  battle,"  as  it  was  called, 
was  led  by  the  general.  The  suburbs  were 
thronged  with  a  countless  multitude  of  the  na- 
tives, who  had  flocked  from  the  city  and  the 
surrounding  country  to  witness  the  showy  and, 
to  them,  startling  pageant.  All  looked  with 
eager  curiosity  on  the  strangers,  the  fame  of 
whose  terrible  exploits  had  spread  to  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  empire.  They  gazed  with  astonish- 
ment on  their  dazzling  arms  and  fair  complexions, 
which  seemed  to  proclaim  them  the  true  Children 
of  the  Sun;  and  they  listened  with  feelings  of 
mysterious  dread  as  the  trumpet  sent  forth  its 
prolonged  notes  through  the  streets  of  the  capital 
and  the  solid  ground  shook  under  the  heavy  tramp 
of  the  cavalry. 

The  Spanish  commander  rode  directly  up  the 

"The  chronicles  differ  ns  to  the  precise  date.  There  can  be  no 
better  authorities  than  Pedro  Sancho's  narrative  and  the  Letter  of  the 
Magistrates  of  Xauxa,  which  I  have  followed  in  the  text. 


214  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

great  square.  It  was  surrounded  by  low  piles  of 
buildings,  among  which  were  several  palaces  of 
the  Incas.  One  of  these,  erected  by  Huayna 
Capac,  was  surmounted  by  a  tower,  while  the 
ground-floor  was  occupied  by  one  or  more  im- 
mense halls,  like  those  described  in  Caxamalca, 
where  the  Peruvian  nobles  held  their  fetes  in 
stormy  weather.  These  buildings  afforded  con- 
venient barracks  for  the  troops,  though  during 
the  first  few  weeks  they  remained  under  their 
tents  in  the  open  plaza,  with  their  horses  picketed 
by  their  side,  ready  to  repulse  any  insurrection  of 
the  inhabitants.^' 

The  capital  of  the  Incas,  though  falling  short 
of  the  El  Dorado  which  had  engaged  their  credu- 
lous fancies,  astonished  the  Spaniards  by  the 
beauty  of  its  edifices,  the  length  and  regularity 
of  its  streets,  and  the  good  order  and  appearance 
of  comfort,  even  luxury,  visible  in  its  numerous 
population.  It  far  surpassed  all  they  had  yet  seen 
in  the  New  World.  The  population  of  the  city 
is  computed  by  one  of  the  Conquerors  at  two 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  and  that  of  the 
suburbs  at  as  many  more.^^     This  account  is  not 

"Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  407. — Garcilasso, 
Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  10. — Relacion  del  primer  Descub., 
MS. 

*  "  Esta  ciudad  era  muy  grande  i  mui  populosa  de  grandes  edificios 
i  comarcas,  quando  los  Kspafioles  entraron  la  primera  vez  en  ella 
havia  gran  cantidad  de  gente,  seria  pueblo  de  mas  de  40  mill,  vecinos 
fiolamente  lo  qiie  tomaba  la  ciudad,  que  arravalles  i  comarca  en  dere- 
dor  del  Cuzco  d  10  6  12  leguas  creo  yo  que  havia  docientos  mill.  In- 
dies, porque  esto  era  lo  mas  poblado  de  todos  estos  reinos."  (Conq. 
i  Pol),  del  Piru,  MS.)  The  rccinn  or  "householder"  is  computed, 
usually,  as  representing  five  individuals. — Yet  P'ather  Valverdc,  in  a 


1*33J  CUZCO  215 

confirmed,  as  far  as  I  have  seen,  by  any  other 
writer.  But,  however  it  may  be  exaggerated,  it 
is  certain  that  Cuzco  was  the  metropohs  of  a  great 
empire,  the  residence  of  the  court  and  the  chief 
nobihty ;  frequented  by  the  most  skilful  mechanics 
and  artisans  of  every  description,  who  found  a 
demand  for  their  ingenuity  in  the  royal  precincts ; 
while  the  place  was  garrisoned  by  a  numerous 
soldiery,  and  was  the  resort,  finally,  of  emigrants 
from  the  most  distant  provinces.  The  quarters 
whence  this  motley  population  came  were  indi- 
cated by  their  peculiar  dress,  and  especially  their 
head-gear,  so  rarely  found  at  all  on  the  American 
Indian,  which,  with  its  variegated  colors,  gave  a 
picturesque  effect  to  the  groups  and  masses  in  the 
streets.  The  habitual  order  and  decorum  main- 
tained in  this  multifarous  assembly  showed  the 
excellent  police  of  the  capital,  where  the  only 
sounds  that  disturbed  the  repose  of  the  Spaniards 
were  the  noises  of  feasting  and  dancing,  which 
the  natives,  with  happy  insensibility,  constantly 
prolonged  to  a  late  hour  of  the  night.'^^ 

The  edifices  of  the  better  sort — and  they  were 
very  numerous — were  of  stone,   or   faced  with 

letter  written  a  few  years  after  this,  speaks  of  the  city  as  having  only 
three  or  four  thousand  houses  at  the  time  of  its  occupation,  and  the 
suburbs  as  liavinp  nineteen  or  twenty  thousand.  (Carta  al  Empera- 
dor,  MS.,  -20  de  Marzo,  1539.)  It  is  possible  that  he  took  into  the 
account  only  the  better  kind  of  houses,  not  considering  the  mud  huts, 
or  rather  hovels,  which  made  so  large  a  part  of  a  Peruvian  town,  as 
deserving  notice. 

''  "  Heran  tantos  los  atambores  que  de  noche  se  oian  pnr  todas 
partes  bailando  y  cantando  y  bebiendo  que  toda  la  mayor  parte  de  la 
noche  se  les  pasava  en  esto  cotidianamente."  Pedro  Pizarro,  De- 
scub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


216  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

stone.^^  Among  the  principal  were  the  royal 
residences;  as  each  sovereign  built  a  new  palace 
for  himself,  covering,  though  low,  a  large  extent 
of  ground.  The  walls  were  sometimes  stained 
or  painted  with  gaudy  tints,  and  the  gates,  we 
are  assured,  were  sometimes  of  colored  marble.^^ 
"In  the  delicacy  of  the  stone- work,"  says  an- 
other of  the  Conquerors,  "  the  natives  far 
excelled  the  Spaniards,  though  the  roofs  of 
their  dwellings,  instead  of  tiles,  were  only  of 
thatch,  but  put  together  with  the  nicest  art."  ^* 
The  sunny  climate  of  Cuzco  did  not  require  a 
very  substantial  material  for  defence  against  the 
weather. 

The  most  important  building  was  the  fortress, 
planted  on  a  solid  rock  that  rose  boldly  above  the 
city.  It  was  built  of  hewn  stone,  so  finely  wrought 
that  it  was  impossible  to  detect  the  line  of  junction 
between  the  blocks ;  and  the  approaches  to  it  were 
defended  by  three  semicircular  parapets,  com- 
posed of  such  heavy  masses  of  rock  that  it  bore 
resemblance  to  the  kind  of  work  known  to  archi- 


** "  La  maggior  parte  di  queste  case  sono  di  pietra,  et  I'altre  hano 
la  met^  della  faeciata  di  pietra."  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio, 
tom.  iii.  fol.  413. 

" "  Che  sono  le  principali  della  citta  dipinte  et  lauorate,  et  di 
pietra:  et  la  miglior  d'esse  h  la  casa  di  Guainacaba  Cacique  vecchio, 
et  la  porta  d'essa  h  di  marmo  bianco  et  rosso,  et  d'altri  colori."  (Ibid., 
ubi  supra.)  The  buildings  were  usually  of  freestone.  There  may 
have  been  porphyry  from  the  neighboring  mountains  mixed  with  this, 
which  the  Spaniards  mistook  for  marble. 

"  "  Todo  labrado  de  piedra  muy  prima,  que  cierto  toda  la  canteria 
desta  cibdad  hace  gran  ventaja  d  la  de  Esparia,  aunque  carecen  de 
teja  que  todas  las  casas  sino  es  la  fortaleza,  que  era  hecha  de  a7X>teas, 
son  cubiertas  de  paja,  aunque  tan  primamente  puesta,  que  parece 
bien."    Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 


1*33]  CUZCO  217 

tects  as  the  Cyclopean.*  The  fortress  was  raised 
to  a  height  rare  in  Peruvian  architecture;  and 
from  the  summit  of  the  tower  the  eye  of  the 
spectator  ranged  over  a  magnificent  prospect,  in 
which  the  wild  features  of  the  mountain-scenery, 
rocks,  woods,  and  waterfalls,  were  mingled  with 
the  rich  verdure  of  the  valley,  and  the  shining  city 
filling  up  the  foreground, — all  blended  in  sweet 
harmony  under  the  deep  azure  of  a  tropical  sky. 

The  streets  were  long  and  narrow.  They  were 
arranged  with  perfect  regularity,  crossing  one 
another  at  right  angles;  and  from  the  great 
square  diverged  four  principal  streets  connect- 
ing with  the  high-roads  of  the  empire.  The 
square  itself,  and  many  parts  of  the  city,  were 
paved  with  a  fine  pebble.'^ ^  Through  the  heart  of 
the  capital  ran  a  river  of  pure  water,  if  it  might 
not  be  rather  termed  a  canal,  the  banks  or  sides 
of  which,  for  the  distance  of  twenty  leagues,  were 

"  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn,  iii.,  ubi  supra. — A  passage 
in  the  Letter  of  the  Municipality  of  Xauxa  is  worth  quoting,  as  con- 
firming on  the  best  authority  some  of  the  interesting  particulars  men- 
tioned in  the  text:  "  Esta  cibdad  es  la  mejor  e  maior  que  en  la  tierra 
se  ha  visto,  i  aun  en  Yndias;  e  decimos  a  V.  M.  ques  tan  hermosa  i 
de  tan  buenos  edeficios  que  en  Espana  seria  muy  de  ver;  tiene  las 
calles  por  mucho  concierto  en  pedradas  i  por  medio  dellas  un  cano 
enlosado,  la  plaza  es  hecha  en  cuadra  i  empedrada  de  qui j  as  pequenas 
todas,  todas  las  mas  de  las  casas  son  de  Senores  Principales  hechas  de 
canteria,  esta  en  una  ladera  de  un  zerro  en  el  cual  sobre  el  pueblo 
esta  una  fortaleza  mui  bien  obrada  de  canteria,  tan  de  ver  que  por 
Espanoles  que  han  andado  Reinos  estranos  dicen  no  haver  visto  otro 
edeficio  igual  al  della."    Carta  de  la  Just,  y  Reg.  de  Xauja,  MS. 

*  [Mr.  Markham,  who  examined  the  ruins  in  1853,  has  given  a 
minute  description  of  this  "  gigantic  treble  line  of  Cyclopean  fortifi- 
cation," which,  he  says,  "  must  fill  the  mind  of  every  traveller  with 
astonishment  and  admiration."  Translation  of  Cieza  de  Leon,  p. 
325,  note.— K.] 


218  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

faced  with  stone.^®  Across  this  stream,  bridges, 
constructed  of  similar  broad  flags,  were  thrown  at 
intervals,  so  as  to  afford  an  easy  communication 
between  the  different  quarters  of  the  capital.^^ 

The  most  sumptuous  edifice  in  Cuzco  in  the 
times  of  the  Incas  was  undoubtedly  the  great 
temple  dedicated  to  the  Sun,  which,  studded  with 
gold  plates,  as  already  noticed,  was  surrounded  by 
convents  and  dormitories  for  the  priests,  with  their 
gardens  and  broad  parterres  sparkling  with  gold. 
The  exterior  ornaments  had  been  removed  by  the 
Conquerors, — all  but  the  frieze  of  gold,  which,  im- 
bedded in  the  stones,  still  encircled  the  principal 
building.  It  is  probable  that  the  tales  of  wealth  so 
greedily  circulated  among  the  Spaniards  greatly 
exceeded  the  truth.  If  they  did  not,  the  natives 
must  have  been  very  successful  in  concealing  their 
treasures  from  the  invaders.  Yet  much  remained, 
not  only  in  the  great  House  of  the  Sun,  but  in 
the  inferior  temples  which  swarmed  in  the  capital. 

Pizarro,  on  entering  Cuzco,  had  issued  an  order 
forbidding  any  soldier  to  offer  violence  to  the 
dwellings  of  the  inhabitants.^*      But  the  palaces 

••"  Un  rio,  el  cual  baja  por  medio  de  la  cibdad  y  desde  que  nace, 
mas  de  veinte  leguas  por  aquel  valle  aba  jo  donde  hay  muchas  pobla- 
ciones,  va  enlosado  todo  por  el  suelo,  y  las  varrancas  de  una  parte  y 
de  otra  hechas  de  canteria  labrada,  cosa  nunca  vista,  ni  oida."  Rela- 
cion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

"  The  reader  will  find  a  few  repetitions  in  this  chapter  of  what  I 
have  already  said,  in  the  Introduction,  of  Cuzco  under  the  Incas.  But 
the  facts  here  stated  are  for  the  most  part  drawn  from  other  sources, 
and  some  repetition  was  unavoidable  in  order  to  give  a  distinct  image 
of  the  capital. 

""Pues  mando  el  marquez  dar  vn  pregon  que  ningun  espafiol 
fuese  &  entrar  en  las  casas  de  los  naturales  6  tomalles  nada."  Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1533J     TREASURE  DISCOVERED  IN  CUZCO     219 

were  numerous,  and  the  troops  lost  no  time  in 
plundering  them  of  their  contents,  as  well  as  in 
despoiling  the  religious  edifices.  The  interior  dec- 
orations supplied  them  with  considerable  booty. 
They  stripped  off  the  jewels  and  rich  ornaments 
that  garnished  the  royal  mummies  in  the  temple 
of  Coricancha.  Indignant  at  the  concealment  of 
their  treasures,  they  put  the  inhabitants,  in  some 
instances,  to  the  torture,  and  endeavored  to  extort 
from  them  a  confession  of  their  hiding-places.^* 
They  invaded  the  repose  of  the  sepulchres,  in 
which  the  Peruvians  often  deposited  their  valu- 
able effects,  and  compelled  the  grave  to  give  up 
its  dead.  No  place  was  left  unexplored  by  the 
rapacious  Conquerors;  and  they  occasionally 
stumbled  on  a  mine  of  wealth  that  rewarded  their 
labors. 

In  a  cavern  near  the  city  they  found  a  number 
of  vases  of  pure  gold,  richly  embossed  with  the 
figures  of  serpents,  locusts,  and  other  animals. 
Among  the  spoil  were  four  golden  llamas  and 
ten  or  twelve  statues  of  women,  some  of  gold, 
others  of  silver,  "  which  merely  to  see,"  says  one  of 
the  Conquerors,  with  some  naivete,  "  was  truly  a 
great  satisfaction."  The  gold  was  probably  thin, 
for  the  figures  were  all  as  large  as  life;  and 
several  of  them,  being  reserved  for  the  royal  fifth, 
were  not  recast,  but  sent  in  their  original  form  to 
Spain."*"    The  magazines  were  stored  with  curious 

"•  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  123. 

*°  "  Et  f  ra  I'altre  cose  singolari,  era  veder  quattro  castrati  di  fin  oro 
molto  grandi,  et  10  6  12  statue  di  done,  della  grandezza  delle  done  di 
quel  paese  tutte  d'oro  fino,  cosi  belle  et  ben  fatte  come  se  fossero  vine. 
.  .  .  Queste  furono  date  nel  quinto  che  toccaua  a  S.  M."     (Pad.  San- 


220  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

commodities;  richly -tinted  robes  of  cotton  and 
feather-work,  gold  sandals,  and  slippers  of  the 
same  material,  for  the  women,  and  dresses  com- 
posed entirely  of  beads  of  gold.*^  The  grain  and 
other  articles  of  food,  with  which  the  magazines 
were  filled,  were  held  in  contempt  by  the  Con- 
querors, intent  only  on  gratifying  their  lust  for 
gold.*^  The  time  came  when  the  grain  would  have 
been  of  far  more  value. 

Yet  the  amount  of  treasure  in  the  capital  did 
not  equal  the  sanguine  expectations  that  had  been 
formed  by  the  Spaniards.  But  the  deficiency  was 
supplied  by  the  plunder  which  they  had  collected 
at  various  places  on  their  march.  In  one  place,  for 
example,  they  met  with  ten  planks  or  bars  of  solid 
silver,  each  piece  being  twenty  feet  in  length,  one 
foot  in  breadth,  and  two  or  three  inches  thick. 
They  were  intended  to  decorate  the  dwelling  of 
an  Inca  noble.*^ 

The  whole  mass  of  treasure  was  brought  into  a 
common  heap,  as  in  Caxamalca;  and,  after  some 

cho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  409.)  "  Muchas  estatuas  y  figu- 
ras  de  oro  y  plata  enteras,  hecha  la  forma  toda  de  una  muger,  y  del 
tamaAo  della,  muy  bien  labradas."    Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

"  "  A  via  ansi  mismo  otras  muchas  plumas  de  diferentes  colores 
para  este  efecto  de  hacer  rropas  que  vestian  los  seflores  y  senoras  y 
no  otro  en  los  tiempos  de  sus  fiestas,  avia  tambien  mantas  hechas  de 
chaquira,  de  oro,  y  de  plata,  que  heran  vnas  quentecitas  muy  deli- 
cadas,  que  parecia  cosa  de  espanto  ver  su  hechura."  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

"Ondegardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 

** "  Pues  andando  yo  buscando  mahie  6  otras  cosas  para  comer, 
acaso  entre  en  vn  buhio  donde  halle  estos  tablones  de  plata  que  tengo 
dicho  que  heran  hasta  diez  y  de  largo  tenian  veinte  pies  y  de  anchor 
de  vno  y  de  gordor  de  tres  dedo.s,  di  noticia  dello  al  marqucz  y  el  y 
todos  los  demas  que  con  el  estavan  entraron  &  vello."  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1533J  DIVISION    OF    THE    SPOIL  221 

of  the  finer  specimens  had  been  deducted  for  the 
crown,  the  remainder  was  delivered  to  the  Indian 
goldsmiths  to  be  melted  down  into  ingots  of  a 
uniform  standard.  The  division  of  the  spoil  was 
made  on  the  same  principle  as  before.  There  were 
four  hundred  and  eighty  soldiers,  including  the 
garrison  of  Xauxa,  who  were  each  to  receive  a 
share,  that  of  the  cavalry  being  double  that  of  the 
infantry.  The  amount  of  booty  is  stated  variously 
by  those  present  at  the  division  of  it.  According 
to  some,  it  considerably  exceeded  the  ransom  of 
Atahuallpa.  Others  state  it  as  less.  Pedro  Pi- 
zarro  says  that  each  horseman  got  six  thousand 
yesos  de  oro,  and  each  one  of  the  infantry  half 
that  sum ;  *^  though  the  same  discrimination  was 
made  by  Pizarro  as  before,  in  respect  to  the  rank 
of  the  parties,  and  their  relative  services.  But 
Sancho,  the  royal  notary,  and  secretary  of  the 
commander,  estimates  the  whole  amount  as  far 
less, — not  exceeding  five  hundred  and  eighty 
thousand  and  two  hundred  pesos  de  oro,  and  two 
hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  marks  of  silver.^^ 
In  the  absence  of  the  official  returns,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  determine  which  is  correct.  But  Sancho's 
narrative  is  countersigned,  it  may  be  remembered, 
by  Pizarro  and  the  royal  treasurer  Riquelme,  and 
doubtless,  therefore,  shows  the  actual  amount  for 
which  the  Conquerors  accounted  to  the  crown. 

Whichever  statement  we  receive,  the  sum,  com- 
bined with  that  obtained  at  Caxamalca,  might  well 
have  satisfied  the  cravings  of  the  most  avaricious. 

"Desciih.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

"  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  409. 


222  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  sudden  influx  of  so  much  wealth,  and  that, 
too,  in  so  transferable  a  form,  among  a  party  of 
reckless  adventurers  little  accustomed  to  the  pos- 
session of  money,  had  its  natural  effect.  It  sup- 
pHed  them  with  the  means  of  gaming,  so  strong 
and  common  a  passion  with  the  Spaniards  that  it 
may  be  considered  a  national  vice.  Fortunes  were 
lost  and  won  in  a  single  day,  sufficient  to  render 
the  proprietors  independent  for  life;  and  many 
a  desperate  gamester,  by  an  unlucky  throw  of  the 
dice  or  turn  of  the  cards,  saw  himself  stripped  in 
a  few  hours  of  the  fruits  of  years  of  toil  and 
obliged  to  begin  over  again  the  business  of  rapine. 
Among  these,  one  in  the  cavalry  service  is  men- 
tioned, named  Leguizano,*  who  had  received  as 
his  share  of  the  booty  the  image  of  the  Sun,  which, 
raised  on  a  plate  of  burnished  gold,  spread  over 
the  walls  in  a  recess  of  the  great  temple,  and 
which,  for  some  reason  or  other, — perhaps  because 
of  its  superior  fineness, — was  not  recast  like  the 
other  ornaments.  This  rich  prize  the  spendthrift 
lost  in  a  single  night;  whence  it  came  to  be  a 
proverb  in  Spain,  Juega  el  Sol  antes  que  ama- 
nezca,  "  He  plays  away  the  Sun  before  sunrise."  ^^ 
The  effect  of  such  a  surfeit  of  the  precious 
metals  was  instantly  felt  on  prices.     The  most 

*•  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  20. 

*  [Or  Lejesema, — the  same  person  whose  will  is  referred  to  in 
Boolt  I.  chap.  5,  note  37,  and  printed  in  Appendix  No.  4.  According 
to  Garcilasso,  he  had  been  "  a  preat  gambler,"  but  his  loss  on  the 
present  occasion  proved  his  salvation,  as  he  "  hated  play  ever  after- 
wards," and  devoted  himself  with  zeal  and  diligence  to  the  public 
service.  He  held  several  offices,  married  an  Inca  princess,  took  part 
in  the  civil  wars, — generally  on  the  winning  side, — and  survived  all 
his  old  companions  in  arms. — K.] 


1533J  RISE    IN    PRICES  223 

ordinary  articles  were  only  to  be  had  for  exorbi- 
tant sums.  A  quire  of  paper  was  sold  for  ten 
pesos  de  oro;  a  bottle  of  wine,  for  sixty ;  a  sword, 
for  forty  or  fifty ;  a  cloak,  for  a  hundred, — some- 
times more;  a  pair  of  shoes  cost  thirty  or  forty 
pesos  de  oro^  and  a  good  horse  could  not  be  had 
for  less  than  twenty-five  hundred.*^  Some  brought 
a  still  higher  price.  Every  article  rose  in  value,  as 
gold  and  silver,  the  representatives  of  all,  declined. 
Gold  and  silver,  in  short,  seemed  to  be  the  only 
things  in  Cuzco  that  were  not  wealth.  Yet  there 
were  some  few  wise  enough  to  return  contented 
with  their  present  gains  to  their  native  country. 
Here  their  riches  brought  them  consideration  and 
competence,  and,  while  they  excited  the  envy  of 
their  countrymen,  stimulated  them  to  seek  their 
own  fortunes  in  the  like  path  of  adventure. 

*'  Xerez,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  iii.  p.  233. 


CHAPTER   IX 

NEW    INCA   CROWNED MUNICIPAL   REGULATIONS 

— TERRIBLE    MARCH    OF    ALVARADO INTERVIEW 

WITH  PIZARRO  —  FOUNDATION  OF  LIMA  —  HER- 
NANDO PIZARRO  REACHES  SPAIN SENSATION  AT 

COURT — FEUDS  OF  ALMAGRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS 

1534-1535 

THE  first  care  of  the  Spanish  general,  after 
the  division  of  the  booty,  was  to  place 
Manco  on  the  throne  and  to  obtain  for  him  the 
recognition  of  his  countrymen.  He,  accordingly, 
presented  the  young  prince  to  them  as  their  future 
sovereign,  the  legitimate  son  of  Huayna  Capac, 
and  the  true  heir  of  the  Peruvian  sceptre.  The 
annunciation  was  received  with  enthusiasm  by  the 
people,  attached  to  the  memory  of  his  illustrious 
father,  and  pleased  that  they  were  still  to  have  a 
monarch  rule  over  them  of  the  ancient  line  of 
Cuzco. 

Every  thing  was  done  to  maintain  the  illusion 
with  the  Indian  population.  The  ceremonies  of  a 
coronation  were  studiously  observed.  The  young 
prince  kept  the  prescribed  fasts  and  vigils;  and 
on  the  appointed  day  the  nobles  and  the  people, 
with  the  whole  Spanish  soldiery,  assembled  in  the 
great  square  of  Cuzco  to  witness  the  concluding 
ceremony.  Mass  was  publicly  performed  by 
Father  Valverde,  and  the  Inca  Manco  received 

224 


1534]  NEW    INCA    CROWNED  2525 

the  fringed  diadem  of  Peru,  not  from  the  hand 
of  the  high-priest  of  his  nation,  but  from  his  con- 
queror, Pizarro.  The  Indian  lords  then  tendered 
their  obeisance  in  the  customary  form ;  after  which 
the  royal  notary  read  aloud  the  instrument  assert- 
ing the  supremacy  of  the  Castilian  crown,  and 
requiring  the  homage  of  all  present  to  its  au- 
thority. This  address  was  explained  by  an  inter- 
preter, and  the  ceremony  of  homage  was  per- 
formed by  each  one  of  the  parties  waving  the 
royal  banner  of  Castile  twice  or  thrice  with  his 
hands.  Manco  then  pledged  the  Spanish  com- 
mander in  a  golden  goblet  of  the  sparkling  chichaj 
and,  the  latter  having  cordially  embraced  the  new 
monarch,  the  trumpets  announced  the  conclusion 
of  the  ceremony.^  But  it  was  not  the  note  of 
triumph,  but  of  humiliation;  for  it  proclaimed 
that  the  armed  foot  of  the  stranger  was  in  the 
halls  of  the  Peruvian  Incas;  that  the  ceremony 
of  coronation  was  a  miserable  pageant ;  that  their 
prince  himself  was  but  a  puppet  in  the  hands  of 
his  conqueror;  and  that  the  glory  of  the  Children 
of  the  Sun  had  departed  forever! 

Yet  the  people  readily  yielded  to  the  illusion, 
and  seemed  willing  to  accept  this  image  of  their 
ancient  independence.  The  accession  of  the  young 
monarch  was  greeted  by  all  the  usual  fetes  and 
rejoicings.  The  mummies  of  his  royal  ancestors, 
with  such  ornaments  as  were  still  left  to  them,  were 
paraded  in  the  great  square.  They  were  attended 
each  by  his  own  numerous  retinue,  who  performed 

*  Pedro   Pizarro,   Descub.   y   Conq.,   MS. — Ped.   Sancho,   Rel.,   ap. 
Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  407. 
Vol..  II.— 15 


226  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

all  the  menial  offices,  as  if  the  object  of  them  were 
alive  and  could  feel  their  import.  Each  ghostly 
form  took  its  seat  at  the  banquet-table, — now, 
alas!  stripped  of  the  magnificent  service  with 
which  it  was  wont  to  blaze  at  these  high  festivals, 
— and  the  guests  drank  deep  to  the  illustrious 
dead.  Dancing  succeeded  the  carousal,  and  the 
festivities,  prolonged  to  a  late  hour,  were  con- 
tinued night  after  night  by  the  giddy  population, 
as  if  their  conquerors  had  not  been  intrenched  in 
the  capital!^ — What  a  contrast  to  the  Aztecs  in 
the  conquest  of  Mexico! 

Pizarro's  next  concern  was  to  organize  a  mu- 
nicipal government  for  Cuzco,  like  those  in  the 
cities  of  the  parent  country.  Two  alcaldes  were 
appointed,  and  eight  regidores,  among  which  last 
functionaries  were  his  brothers  Gonzalo  and  Juan. 
The  oaths  of  office  were  administered  with  great 
solemnity,  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  March,  1534, 
in  presence  both  of  Spaniards  and  Peruvians,  in 
the  public  square;  as  if  the  general  were  willing 
by  this  ceremony  to  intimate  to  the  latter  that, 
while  they  retained  the  semblance  of  their  ancient 
institutions,  the  real  power  was  henceforth  vested 
in  their  conquerors.^     He  invited   Spaniards  to 


*  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — "  Luego  por  la  mafiana 
iba  al  enterramiento  donde  estaban  cada  uno  por  orden  embalsamados 
como  es  dicho,  y  asentados  en  sus  sillas,  y  con  mncha  veneracion  y 
respeto,  todos  por  orden  los  sacaban  de  alii  y  los  trahian  A  la  oiudad, 
teniendo  cada  uno  su  litera,  y  hombres  con  su  librea,  que  le  tnijesen, 
y  ansi  desta  manera  todo  el  servicio  y  aderezos  como  si  estubiera 
vivo."     Relacion  del  primer  Descub.,  MS. 

*  Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  iOf). — Montesinos, 
Annales,  MS.,  ano  1534. —  Actto  de  la  fundacion  del  Cuzco,  M.S. — 
This  instrument,  which  belongs  to  the  collection  of  Muiioz,  records 


1534]  MUNICIPAL    REGULATIONS  227 

settle  in  the  place  by  liberal  grants  of  lands  and 
houses,  for  which  means  were  afforded  by  the 
numerous  palaces  and  public  buildings  of  the 
Incas;  and  many  a  cavalier  who  had  been  too 
poor  in  his  own  country  to  find  a  place  to  rest  in 
now  saw  himself  the  proprietor  of  a  spacious 
mansion  that  might  have  entertained  the  retinue 
of  a  prince/  From  this  time,  says  an  old  chron- 
icler, Pizarro,  who  had  hitherto  been  distinguished 
by  his  military  title  of  "  Captain-General,"  was 
addressed  by  that  of  "  Governor."  ^  Both  had 
been  bestowed  on  him  by  the  royal  grant. 

Nor  did  the  chief  neglect  the  interests  of  re- 
ligion. Father  Valverde,  whose  nomination  as 
Bishop  of  Cuzco  not  long  afterwards  received 
the  papal  sanction,  prepared  to  enter  on  the 
duties  of  his  office.  A  place  was  selected  for 
the  cathedral  of  his  diocese,  facing  the  plaza.*  A 
spacious  monastery  subsequently  rose  on  the  ruins 
of  the  gorgeous  House  of  the  Sun ;  its  walls  were 
constructed  of  the  ancient  stones;  the  altar  was 
raised  on  the  spot  where  shone  the  bright  image 
of  the  Peruvian  deity,  and  the  cloisters  of  the 
Indian  temple  were  trodden  by  the  friars  of  St. 

not  only  the  names  of  the  magistrates,  but  of  the  vecinos  who  formed 
the  first  population  of  the  Christian  capital. 

*  Actto  de  la  fundacion  del  Cuzco,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  9,  et  seq. — 
When  a  building  was  of  immense  size,  as  happened  with  some  of  the 
temples  and  palaces,  it  was  assigned  to  two  or  even  three  of  the  Con- 
querors, who  each  took  his  share  of  it.  Garcilasso,  who  descriiies  the 
city  as  it  was  soon  after  the  Conquest,  commemorates  with  sufficient 
prolixity  the  names  of  the  cavaliers  among  whom  the  buildings  were 
distributed. 

"  Montesinos,  Annales,  ano  1534. 

*  [The  palace  of  the  Inca  Viracocha. — M.] 


228  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Dominic.®  To  make  the  metamorphosis  more 
complete,  the  House  of  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun 
was  replaced  by  a  Roman  Catholic  nunnery." 
Christian  churches  and  monasteries  gradually 
supplanted  the  ancient  edifices,  and  such  of  the 
latter  as  were  suffered  to  remain,  despoiled  of 
their  heathen  insignia,  were  placed  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Cross. 

The  Fathers  of  St.  Dominic,  the  Brethren  of 
the  Order  of  Mercy,  and  other  missionaries,  now 
busied  themselves  in  the  good  work  of  conversion. 
We  have  seen  that  Pizarro  was  required  by  the 
crown  to  bring  out  a  certain  number  of  these 
holy  men  in  his  own  vessels;  and  every  succeed- 
ing vessel  brought  an  additional  reinforcement  of 
ecclesiastics.  They  were  not  all  like  the  Bishop 
of  Cuzco,  with  hearts  so  seared  by  fanaticism  as 
to  be  closed  against  sympathy  with  the  unfortu-, 
nate  natives.^     They  were,  many  of  them,  men 

•Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  20;  lib.  6,  cap.  21. — 
Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. 

'  Ulloa,  Voyage  to  South  America,  book  7,  ch.  12. — "  The  Indian 
nuns,"  says  the  author  of  the  Relacion  del  primer  De.scub.,  "  lived 
chastely  and  in  a  holy  manner." — "  Their  chastity  was  all  a  feint," 
says  Pedro  Pizarro,  "  for  they  had  constant  amours  with  the  attend- 
ants of  the  temple."  (Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.) — What  is  truth? — In 
statements  so  contradictory,  we  may  accept  the  most  favorable  to  the 
Peruvians.  The  prejudices  of  the  Conquerors  certainly  did  not  lie 
on  that  side. 

•  Such,  however,  it  is  but  fair  to  Valverde  to  state,  is  not  the  lan- 
guage applied  to  him  by  the  rude  soldiers  of  the  Conquest.  The 
municipality  of  Xauxa,  in  a  communication  to  the  Court,  extol  the 
Dominican  as  an  exemplary  and  learned  divine,  who  had  afforded 
much  serviceable  consolation  to  his  countrymen:  "  Ks  persona  de 
mucho  exemplo  i  Doctrina  i  con  quien  todos  los  Espafioles  an  tenido 
mucho  consuelo."  (Carta  de  la  Just,  y  Rep.  de  Xauxa,  MS.)  And 
yet  this  Ls  not  incompatible  with  a  high  degree  of  insensibility  to  the 
natural  rights  of  the  natives. 


1^]  MISSIONARY    ZEAL  229 

of  singular  humility,  who  followed  in  the  track 
of  the  conqueror  to  scatter  the  seeds  of  spiritual 
truth,  and,  with  disinterested  zeal,  devoted  them- 
selves to  the  propagation  of  the  gospel.  Thus  did 
their  pious  labors  prove  them  the  true  soldiers  of 
the  cross,  and  show  that  the  object  so  ostenta- 
tiously avowed  of  carrying  its  banner  among  the 
heathen  nations  was  not  an  empty  vaunt. 

The  effort  to  Christianize  the  heathen  is  an 
honorable  characteristic  of  the  Spanish  conquests. 
The  Puritan,  with  equal  religious  zeal,  did  com- 
paratively little  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indian, 
content,  as  it  would  seem,  with  having  secured  to 
himself  the  inestimable  privilege  of  worshipping 
God  in  his  own  way.  Other  adventurers  who  have 
occupied  the  New  World  have  often  had  too  little 
regard  for  religion  themselves,  to  be  very  solicit- 
ous about  spreading  it  among  the  savages.  But 
the  Spanish  missionary,  from  first  to  last,  has 
shown  a  keen  interest  in  the  spiritual  welfare  of 
the  natives.  Under  his  auspices,  churches  on  a 
magnificent  scale  have  been  erected,  schools  for 
elementary  instruction  founded,  and  every  ra- 
tional means  taken  to  spread  the  knowledge  of 
religious  truth,  while  he  has  carried  his  solitary 
mission  into  remote  and  almost  inaccessible  re- 
gions, or  gathered  his  Indian  disciples  into  com- 
munities, like  the  good  Las  Casas  in  Cumana,  or 
the  Jesuits  in  California  and  Paraguay.  At  all 
events,  the  courageous  ecclesiastic  has  been  ready 
to  lift  his  voice  against  the  cruelty  of  the  con- 
queror and  the  no  less  wasting  cupidity  of  the 
colonist;   and  when  his  remonstrances,  as  was  too 


230  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

often  the  case,  have  proved  unavailing,  he  has  still 
followed  to  bind  up  the  broken-hearted,  to  teach 
the  poor  Indian  resignation  under  his  lot,  and 
light  up  his  dark  intellect  with  the  revelation  of 
a  holier  and  happier  existence.  In  reviewing  the 
blood-stained  records  of  Spanish  colonial  history, 
it  is  but  fair,  and  at  the  same  time  cheering,  to 
reflect  that  the  same  nation  which  sent  forth  the 
hard-hearted  conqueror  from  its  bosom  sent  forth 
the  missionary  to  do  the  work  of  beneficence  and 
spread  the  light  of  Christian  civilization  over  the 
farthest  regions  of  the  New  World. 

While  the  governor,  as  we  are  henceforth  to 
style  him,  lay  at  Cuzco,  he  received  repeated  ac- 
counts of  a  considerable  force  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, under  the  command  of  Atahuallpa's  officer, 
Quizquiz.  He  accordingly  detached  Almagro, 
with  a  small  body  of  horse  and  a  large  native  force 
under  the  Inca  Manco,  to  disperse  the  enemy,  and, 
if  possible,  to  capture  the  leader.  Manco  was 
the  more  ready  to  take  part  in  the  expedition, 
as  the  hostile  Indians  were  soldiers  of  Quito, 
who,  with  their  commander,  bore  no  good  will  to 
himself. 

Almagro,  moving  with  characteristic  rapidity, 
was  not  long  in  coming  up  with  the  Indian  chief- 
tain. Several  sharp  encounters  followed,  as  the 
army  of  Quito  fell  back  on  Xauxa,  near  which 
a  general  engagement  decided  the  fate  of  the  war 
by  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  natives.  Quizquiz 
fled  to  the  elevated  plains  of  Quito,  where  he  still 
held  out  with  undaunted  spirit  against  a  Spanish 
force  in  that  quarter,  till  at  length  his  own  soldiers. 


1534]  ARRIVAL    OF    ALVARADO  231 

wearied  by  these  long  and  ineffectual  hostilities, 
massacred  their  commander  in  cold  blood."  Thus 
fell  the  last  of  the  two  great  officers  of  Atahu- 
allpa,  who,  if  their  nation  had  been  animated 
by  a  spirit  equal  to  their  own,  might  long  have 
successfully  maintained  their  soil  against  the  in- 
vader. 

Some  time  before  this  occurrence,  the  Spanish 
governor,  Mhile  in  Cuzco,  received  tidings  of  an 
event  much  more  alarming  to  him  than  any  Indian 
hostilities.  This  was  the  arrival  on  the  coast  of 
a  strong  Spanish  force,  under  the  command  of 
Don  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  gallant  officer  who 
had  served  under  Cortes  with  such  renown  in  the 
war  of  JNIexico.  That  cavalier,  after  forming  a 
brilliant  alliance  in  Spain,  to  which  he  was  entitled 
by  his  birth  and  military  rank,  had  returned  to  his 
government  of  Guatemala,  where  his  avarice  had 
been  roused  by  the  magnificent  reports  he  daily 
received  of  Pizarro's  conquests.  These  conquests, 
he  learned,  had  been  confined  to  Peru;  while  the 
northern  kingdom  of  Quito,  the  ancient  residence 
of  Atahuallpa,  and,  no  doubt,  the  principal  de- 
pository of  his  treasures,  yet  remained  untouched. 
Affecting  to  consider  this  country  as  falling  with- 
out the  governor's  jurisdiction,  he  immediately 
turned  a  large  fleet,  which  he  had  intended  for 
the  Spice  Islands,  in  the  direction  of  South  Amer- 
ica; and  in  March,  1534,  he  landed  in  the  Bay  of 

*  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria, 
MS.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  20.  — Ped. 
Sancho,  Rel.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  408. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. 


232  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Caraques,  with  five  hundred  followers,*  of  whom 
half  were  mounted,  and  all  admirably  provided 
with  arms  and  ammunition.  It  was  the  best 
equipped  and  most  f ormdiable  array  that  had  yet 
appeared  in  the  Southern  seas.^" 

Although  manifestly  an  invasion  of  the  terri- 
tory conceded  to  Pizarro  by  the  crown,  the  reck- 
less cavalier  determined  to  march  at  once  on  Quito. 
With  the  assistance  of  an  Indian  guide,  he  pro- 
posed to  take  the  direct  route  across  the  moun- 
tains, a  passage  of  exceeding  difficulty,  even  at  the 
most  favorable  season. 

After  crossing  the  Rio  Dable,  Alvarado's  guide 
deserted  him,  so  that  he  was  soon  entangled  in  the 
intricate  mazes  of  the  sierra ;  and,  as  he  rose  higher 
and  higher  into  the  regions  of  winter,  he  became 
surrounded  with  ice  and  snow,  for  which  his  men, 
taken  from  the  warm  countries  of  Guatemala, 
were  but  ill  prepared.  As  the  cold  grew  more 
intense,  many  of  them  were  so  benumbed  that  it 
was  with  difficulty  they  could  proceed.  The  in- 
fantry, compelled  to  make  exertions,  fared  best. 
Many  of  the  troopers  were  frozen  stiff  to  their 
saddles.  The  Indians,  still  more  sensible  to  the 
cold,  perished  by  hundreds.  As  the  Spaniards 
huddled  round  their  wretched  bivouacs,  with  such 
scanty  fuel  as  they  could  glean,  and  almost  with- 
out food,  they  waited  in  gloomy  silence  the  ap- 

'"  The  number  is  variously  reported  by  historians.  But,  from  a 
legal  investigation  made  in  Guatemala,  it  appears  that  the  whole 
force  amounted  to  500,  of  which  230  were  cavalry. — Informacion 
echa  en  Santiago,  Set.  15,  ]5'.i6,  MS. 

*  [Among  them  was  the  father  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega. — M.] 


1534]  SUFFERINGS  OF  ALVAR ADO'S  TROOPS  233 

proach  of  morning.  Yet  the  morning  light,  which 
gleamed  coldly  on  the  cheerless  waste,  brought  no 
joy  to  them.  It  only  revealed  more  clearly  the 
extent  of  their  wretchedness.  Still  struggling  on 
through  the  winding  Puertos  Nevados,  or  Snowy 
Passes,  their  track  was  dismally  marked  by  frag- 
ments of  dress,  broken  harness,  golden  ornaments, 
and  other  valuables  {blundered  on  their  march, — 
by  the  dead  bodies  of  men,  or  by  those,  less  fortu- 
nate, who  were  left  to  die  alone  in  the  wilderness. 
As  for  the  horses,  their  carcasses  were  not  suf- 
fered long  to  cumber  the  ground,  as  they  were 
quickly  seized  and  devoured  half  raw  by  the 
starving  soldiers,  who,  like  the  famished  condors, 
now  hovering  in  troops  above  their  heads,  greedily 
banqueted  on  the  most  offensive  ofFal  to  satisfy 
the  gnawings  of  hunger. 

Alvarado,  anxious  to  secure  the  booty  which 
had  fallen  into  his  hands  at  an  earlier  part  of  his 
march,  encouraged  every  man  to  take  what  gold 
he  wanted  from  the  common  heap,  reserving  only 
the  royal  fifth.  But  they  only  answered,  with  a 
ghastly  smile  of  derision,  "  that  food  was  the  only 
gold  for  them."  Yet  in  this  extremity,  which 
might  seem  to  have  dissolved  the  very  ties  of  na- 
ture, there  are  some  affecting  instances  recorded 
of  self-devotion, — of  comrades  who  lost  their  lives 
in  assisting  others,  and  of  parents  and  husbands 
(for  some  of  the  cavaliers  were  accompanied  by 
their  wives)  who,  instead  of  seeking  their  own 
safety,  chose  to  remain  and  perish  in  the  snows 
with  the  objects  of  their  love. 

To  add  to  their  distress,  the  air  was  filled  for 


234  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

several  days  with  thick  clouds  of  earthy  particles 
and  cinders,  which  blinded  the  men  and  made 
respiration  exceedingly  difficult.^  ^  This  phenome- 
non, it  seems  probable,  was  caused  by  an  eruption 
of  the  distant  Cotopaxi,  which,  about  twelve 
leagues  southeast  of  Quito,  rears  its  colossal  and 
perfectly  symmetrical  cone  far  above  the  limits 
of  eternal  snow, — the  most  beautiful  and  the  most 
terrible  of  the  American  volcanoes.^  ^  At  the  time 
of  Alvarado's  expedition  it  was  in  a  state  of  erup- 
tion, the  earliest  instance  of  the  kind  on  record, 
though  doubtless  not  the  earliest.^ ^  Since  that 
period  it  has  been  in  frequent  commotion,  send- 
ing up  its  sheets  of  flame  to  the  height  of  half 
a  mile,  spouting  forth  cataracts  of  lava  that  have 
overwhelmed  towns  and  villages  in  their  career, 
and  shaking  the  earth  with  subterraneous  thun- 
ders, that,  at  the  distance  of  more  than  a  hundred 
leagues,  sounded  like  the  reports  of  artillery!  ^^ 
Alvarado's  followers,  unacquainted  with  the  cause 

" "  It  began  to  rain  earthy  particles  from  the  heavens,"  says 
Oviedo,  "  that  blinded  the  men  and  horses,  so  that  the  trees  and 
bushes  were  full  of  dirt."  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib,  8, 
cap.  20. 

"  Garcilasso  says  the  shower  of  ashes  came  from  the  "  volcano  of 
Quito."  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  2.)  Cieza  de  Leon  only 
says  from  one  of  the  volcanoes  in  that  region.  (Cronica,  cap.  41.) 
Neither  of  them  specifies  the  name.  Humboldt  accepts  the  common 
opinion,  that  Cotopaxi  was  intended.     Researches,  i.  123. 

"  A  popular  tradition  among  the  natives  states  that  a  large  frag- 
ment of  porphyry  near  the  base  of  the  cone  was  thrown  out  in  an 
eruption  which  occurred  at  the  moment  of  Atahuallpa's  death.  But 
such  tradition  will  hardly  pass  for  history. 

'*  A  minute  account  of  this  formidai)le  mountain  is  given  by  M.  de 
Humboldt  (Researches,  i.  118,  et  seq.),  and  more  circumstantially  by 
Condamine.  (Voyage  a  Tf-quateur,  pp.  48-.5fi,  Llfi-IGO.)  The  latter 
philosopher  would  have  attempted  to  scale  the  almost  perpendicular 
walls  of  the  volcano,  but  no  one  was  hardy  enough  to  second  him. 


1534]  SUFFERINGS  OF  AI.VARADO'S  TROOPS  235 

of  the  phenomenon,  as  they  wandered  over  tracts 
buried  in  snow, — the  sight  of  which  was  strange 
to  them, — in  an  atmosphere  laden  with  ashes,  be- 
came bewildered  by  this  confusion  of  the  elements, 
which  Nature  seemed  to  have  contrived  purposely 
for  their  destruction.  Some  of  these  men  were 
soldiers  of  Cortes,  steeled  by  many  a  painful 
march  and  many  a  sharp  encounter  with  the 
Aztecs.  But  this  war  of  the  elements,  they  now 
confessed,  was  mightier  than  all. 

At  length,  Alvarado,  after  sufferings  which 
even  the  most  hardy,  probably,  could  have  en- 
dured but  a  few  days  longer,  emerged  from  the 
Snowy  Pass,  and  came  on  the  elevated  table-land, 
which  spreads  out,  at  the  height  of  more  than  nine 
thousand  feet  above  the  ocean,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Riobamba.  But  one-fourth  of  his  gallant 
army  had  been  left  to  feed  the  condor  in  the 
wilderness,  besides  the  greater  part,  at  least  two 
thousand,  of  his  Indian  auxiliaries.  A  great 
number  of  his  horses,  too,  had  perished;  and  the 
men  and  horses  that  escaped  were  all  of  them 
more  or  less  injured  by  the  cold  and  the  extremity 
of  suffering.  Such  was  the  terrible  passage  of 
the  Puertos  Nevados,  which  I  have  only  briefly 
noticed  as  an  episode  to  the  Peruvian  conquest, 
but  the  account  of  which,  in  all  its  details,  though 
it  occupied  but  a  few  weeks  in  duration,  would 
give  one  a  better  idea  of  the  difficulties  encoun- 
tered by  the  Spanish  cavaliers  than  volumes  of 
ordinary  narrative.^  ^ 

"  By  far  the  most  spirited  and  thorough  record  of  Alvarado's  march 
is  given  by  Herrera,  who  has  borrowed  the  pen  of  Livy  describing 


236  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

As  Alvarado,  after  halting  some  time  to  restore 
his  exhausted  troops,  began  his  march  across  the 
broad  plateau,  he  was  astonished  by  seeing  the 
prints  of  horses'  hoofs  on  the  soil.  Spaniards, 
then,  had  been  there  before  him,  and,  after  all  his 
toil  and  suffering,  others  had  forestalled  him  in 
the  enterprise  against  Quito!  It  is  necessary  to 
say  a  few  words  in  explanation  of  this. 

When  Pizarro  quitted  Caxamalca,  being  sen- 
sible of  the  growing  importance  of  San  Miguel, 
the  only  port  of  entry  then  in  the  country,  he 
despatched  a  person  in  whom  he  had  great  con- 
fidence to  take  charge  of  it.  This  person  was 
Sebastian  Benalcazar,  a  cavalier  who  afterwards 
placed  his  name  in  the  first  rank  of  the  South 
American  conquerors,  for  courage,  capacity, — 
and  cruelty.  But  this  cavalier  had  hardly  reached 
his  government  when,  like  Alvarado,  he  received 
such  accounts  of  the  riches  of  Quito  that  he  de- 
termined, with  the  force  at  his  command,  though 
without  orders,  to  undertake  its  reduction. 

At  the  head  of  about  a  hundred  and  forty 
soldiers,  horse  and  foot,  and  a  stout  body  of 
Indian  auxiliaries,  he  marched  up  the  broad 
ranges  of  the  Andes,   to   where   it  spread   out 

the  Alpine  march  of  Hannibal.  (Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  1, 
2,  7,  8,  9.)  See  also  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descuh.  y  Conq.,  MS., — Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  Hi).  H,  caj).  ;?(), — and  Carta  de  Pedro 
de  Alvarado  al  Krnperador,  San  Miguel,  15  de  Knero,  1535,  MS. — 
Alvarado,  in  the  letter  above  cited,  which  is  preserved  in  the  Muiioz 
collection,  explains  to  the  emperor  the  proimds  of  his  expedition,  with 
no  little  effrontery.  In  tliis  document  lie  touches  very  liriefly  on  the 
march,  being  chiefly  occupied  by  the  negotiations  with  .Mmagro,  and 
accompanying  his  remarks  with  many  dark  suggestions  as  to  the 
policy  pursued  by  the  Coiujuerors. 


1534J  BENALCAZAR'S    MARCH  237 

into  the  table-land  of  Quito,  by  a  road  safer  and 
more  expeditious  than  that  taken  by  Alvarado. 
On  the  plains  of  Riobamba  he  encountered  the 
Indian  general  Ruminavi.  Several  engagements 
followed,  with  doubtful  success,  when,  in  the  end, 
science  prevailed  where  courage  was  well  matched, 
and  the  victorious  Benalcazar  planted  the  stand- 
ard of  Castile  on  the  ancient  towers  of  Atahu- 
allpa.  The  city,  in  honor  of  his  general,  Francis 
Pizarro,  he  named  San  Francisco  del  Quito.  But 
great  was  his  mortification  on  finding  that  either 
the  stories  of  its  riches  had  been  fabricated,  or 
that  these  riches  were  secreted  by  the  natives.  The 
city  was  all  that  he  gained  by  his  victories, — the 
shell  without  the  pearl  of  price  which  gave  it  its 
value.  While  devouring  his  chagrin,  as  he  best 
could,  the  Spanish  captain  received  tidings  of  the 
approach  of  his  superior,  Almagro.^^ 

No  sooner  had  the  news  of  Alvarado's  expedi- 
tion reached  Cuzco  than  Almagro  left  the  place 
with  a  small  force  for  San  Miguel,  proposing  to 
strengthen  himself  by  a  reinforcement  from  that 
quarter,  and  to  march  at  once  against  the  invaders. 
Greatly  was  he  astonished,  on  his  arrival  in  that 
city,  to  learn  the  departure  of  its  commander. 
Doubting  the  loyalty  of  his  motives,  Almagro, 
with  the  buoyancy  of  spirit  which  belongs  to 
youth,  though  in  truth  somew^hat  enfeebled  by  the 
infirmities  of  age,  did  not  hesitate  to  follow  Ben- 
alcazar at  once  across  the  mountains. 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  11,  18;  lib.  6,  cap.  5,  6. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  In- 
dias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  19.— Carta  de  Benalcazar,  MS. 


238  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

With  his  wonted  energy,  the  intrepid  veteran, 
overcoming  all  the  difficulties  of  his  march,  in  a 
few  weeks  placed  himself  and  his  httle  company 
on  the  lofty  plains  which  spread  around  the  Indian 
city  of  Riobamba;  though  in  his  progress  he  had 
more  than  one  hot  encounter  with  the  natives, 
whose  courage  and  perseverance  formed  a  con- 
trast sufficiently  striking  to  the  apathy  of  the 
Peruvians.  But  the  fire  only  slumbered  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Peruvian.  His  hour  had  not  yet 
come. 

At  Riobamba,  Almagro  was  soon  joined  by  the 
commander  of  San  Miguel,  who  disclaimed,  per- 
haps sincerely,  any  disloyal  intent  in  his  unau- 
thorized expedition.  Thus  reinforced,  the  Spanish 
captain  coolly  awaited  the  coming  of  Alvarado. 
The  forces  of  the  latter,  though  in  a  less  service- 
able condition,  were  much  superior  in  number  and 
appointments  to  those  of  his  rival.  As  they  con- 
fronted each  other  on  the  broad  plains  of  Rio- 
bamba, it  seemed  probable  that  a  fierce  struggle 
must  immediately  follow,  and  the  natives  of  the 
country  have  the  satisfaction  to  see  their  wrongs 
avenged  by  the  very  hands  that  inflicted  them. 
But  it  was  Almagro's  policy  to  avoid  such  an  issue. 

Negotiations  were  set  on  foot,  in  which  each 
party  stated  his  claims  to  the  country.  Mean- 
while Alvarado's  men  mingled  freely  with  their 
countrymen  in  the  opposite  army,  and  heard  there 
such  magnificent  reports  of  the  wealth  and  won- 
ders of  Cuzco  that  many  of  them  were  inclined 
to  change  their  present  service  for  that  of  Pi- 
zarro.    Their  own  leader,  too,  satisfied  that  Quito 


1534]  ALVARADO    IS    BOUGHT    OFF  239 

held  out  no  recompense  worth  the  sacrifices  he  had 
made,  and  was  hke  to  make  by  insisting  on  his 
claim,  became  now  more  sensible  of  the  rashness 
of  a  course  which  must  doubtless  incur  the  censure 
of  his  sovereign.  In  this  temper,  it  was  not  diffi- 
cult for  them  to  effect  an  adjustment  of  diffi- 
culties; and  it  was  agreed,  as  the  basis  of  it,  that 
the  governor  should  pay  one  hundred  thousand 
pesos  de  oro  to  Alvarado,  in  consideration  of  which 
the  latter  was  to  resign  to  him  his  fleet,  his  forces, 
and  all  his  stores  and  munitions.  His  vessels, 
great  and  small,  amounted  to  twelve  in  number, 
and  the  sum  he  received,  though  large,  did  not 
cover  his  expenses.  This  treaty  being  settled,  Al- 
varado proposed,  before  leaving  the  country,  to 
have  an  interview  with  Pizarro/^ 

The  governor,  meanwhile,  had  quitted  the  Pe- 
ruvian capital  for  the  sea-coast,  from  his  desire 
to  repel  any  invasion  that  might  be  attempted  in 
that  direction  by  Alvarado,  with  whose  real  move- 
ments he  was  still  unacquainted.  He  left  Cuzco 
in  charge  of  his  brother  Juan,  a  cavalier  whose 

^'  Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5, 
lib.  6,  cap.  8-10.— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 
cap.  20. — Carta  de  Benalcazar,  MS. — The  amount  of  the  bonus  paid 
to  Alvarado  is  stated  very  differently  by  writers.  But  both  that  cava- 
lier and  Almagro,  in  their  letters  to  the  emperor,  which  have  hitherto 
been  unknown  to  historians,  agree  in  the  sum  given  in  the  text.  Al- 
varado complains  that  he  had  no  choice  but  to  take  it,  although  it  was 
greatly  to  his  own  loss,  and,  by  defeating  his  expedition,  as  he 
modestly  intimates,  to  the  loss  of  the  crown.  (Carta  de  Alvarado  al 
Emperador,  MS.)  Almagro,  however,  states  that  the  sum  paid  was 
three  times  as  much  as  the  armament  was  worth;  "a  sacrifice,"  he 
adds,  "  which  he  made  to  preserve  peace,  never  dear  at  any  price." — 
Strange  sentiment  for  a  Castilian  conqueror!  Carta  de  Diego  de 
Almagro  al  Emperador,  MS.,  Oct.  15,  1534. 


240  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

manners  were  such  as,  he  thought,  would  be  likely 
to  gain  the  good  will  of  the  native  population. 
Pizarro  also  left  ninety  of  his  troops,  as  the  gar- 
rison of  the  capital  and  the  nucleus  of  his  future 
colony.  Then,  taking  the  Inca  Manco  with  him, 
he  proceeded  as  far  as  Xauxa.  At  this  place  he 
was  entertained  by  the  Indian  prince  with  the  ex- 
hibition of  a  great  national  hunt, — such  as  has 
been  already  described  in  these  pages, — in  which 
immense  numbers  of  wild  animals  were  slaught- 
ered, and  the  vicunas,  and  other  races  of  Peruvian 
sheep,  which  roam  over  the  mountains,  driven  into 
enclosures  and  relieved  of  their  delicate  fleeces.^ ^ 

The  Spanish  governor  then  proceeded  to  Pacha- 
camac,  where  he  received  the  grateful  intelligence 
of  the  accommodation  with  Alvarado;    and  not 

"Carta  de  la  Just,  y  Reg.  de  Xaiija,  MS. — Relacion  del  primer 
Descub.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  16. — Mon- 
tesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1534. — At  this  place  the  author  of  the  Re- 
lacion del  primer  Descubrimiento  del  Peril,  the  MS.  so  often  quoted 
in  these  pages,  abruptly  terminates  his  labors.  He  is  a  writer  of  sense 
and  observation;  and,  though  he  has  his  share  of  the  national  ten- 
dency to  exaggerate  and  overcolor,  he  writes  like  one  who  means  to  be 
honest  and  who  has  seen  what  he  describes.  At  Xauxa,  also,  the 
notary  Pedro  Sancho  ends  his  Relacion,  which  embraces  a  much 
shorter  period  than  the  preceding  narrative,  but  which  is  equally 
authentic.  Coming  from  the  secretary  of  Pizarro,  and  countersigned 
by  that  general  himself,  this  Relation,  indeed,  may  be  regarded  as  of 
the  very  highest  authority.  And  yet  large  deductions  must  obviously 
be  made  for  the  source  whence  it  springs;  for  it  may  be  taken  as 
Pizarro's  own  account  of  his  doings,  some  of  which  stood  much  in 
need  of  apology.  It  must  be  added,  in  justice  both  to  the  general 
and  to  his  secretary,  that  the  Relation  does  not  differ  substantially 
from  other  contemporary  accounts,  and  that  the  attempt  to  varnish 
over  the  exceptionable  passages  in  the  conduct  of  the  Conquerors  is 
not  obtrusive.  For  the  publication  of  this  journal  we  are  indebted 
to  Ramusio,  whose  enlightened  labors  have  preserved  to  us  more  than 
one  contemporary  production  of  value,  though  in  the  form  of  trans- 
lation. 


1534J  ALVARADO  241 

long  afterwards  he  was  visited  by  that  cavalier 
himself,  previously  to  his  embarkation. 

The  meeting  was  conducted  with  courtesy  and 
a  show,  at  least,  of  good  will  on  both  sides,  as  there 
was  no  longer  real  cause  for  jealousy  between  the 
parties;  and  each,  as  may  be  imagined,  looked  on 
the  other  with  no  little  interest,  as  having  achieved 
such  distinction  in  the  bold  path  of  adventure. 
In  the  comparison,  Alvarado  had  somewhat  the 
advantage;  for  Pizarro,  though  of  commanding 
presence,  had  not  the  brilliant  exterior,  the  free 
and  joyous  manner,  which,  no  less  than  his  fresh 
complexion  and  sunny  locks,  had  won  for  the  con- 
queror of  Guatemala,  in  his  campaigns  against 
the  Aztecs,  the  sobriquet  of  Tonatiuh,  or  "  Child 
of  the  Sun." 

Blithe  were  the  revels  that  now  rang  through 
the  ancient  city  of  Pachacamac ;  where,  instead  of 
songs,  and  of  the  sacrifices  so  often  seen  there  in 
honor  of  the  Indian  deity,  the  walls  echoed  to  the 
noise  of  tourneys  and  Moorish  tilts  of  reeds,  with 
which  the  martial  adventurers  loved  to  recall  the 
sports  of  their  native  land.  When  these  were  con- 
cluded, Alvarado  re-embarked  for  his  government 
of  Guatemala,  where  his  restless  spirit  soon  in- 
volved him  in  other  enterprises  that  cut  short  his 
adventurous  career.  His  expedition  to  Peru  was 
eminently  characteristic  of  the  man.  It  was 
founded  in  injustice,  conducted  with  rashness, 
and  ended  in  disaster.^  ^ 

"  Xaharro,    Relacion    sumaria,    MS.— Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y 
Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Francisco  Pizarro  al  Sefior  de  Molina,  MS. — 
Alvarado  died  in  1541,  of  an  injury  received   from  a  horse  which 
Vol.  II.— 16 


242  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  reduction  of  Peru  might  now  be  considered 
as,  in  a  manner,  accomphshed.  Some  barbarous 
tribes  in  the  interior,  it  is  true,  still  held  out,  and 
Alonso  de  Alvarado,  a  prudent  and  able  officer, 
was  employed  to  bring  them  into  subjection. 
Benalcazar  was  still  at  Quito,  of  which  he  was 
subsequently  appointed  governor  bj'^  the  crown. 
There  he  was  laying  deeper  the  foundation  of 
Spanish  power,  while  he  advanced  the  line  of  con- 
quest still  higher  towards  the  north.  But  Cuzco, 
the  ancient  capital  of  the  Indian  monarchy,  had 
submitted.  The  armies  of  Atahuallpa  had  been 
beaten  and  scattered.  The  empire  of  the  Incas 
was  dissolved;  and  the  prince  who  now  wore  the 
Peruvian  diadem  was  but  the  shadow  of  a  king, 
who  held  his  commission  from  his  conqueror. 

The  first  act  of  the  governor  was  to  determine 
on  the  site  of  the  future  capital  of  this  vast  colo- 
nial empire.  Cuzco,  withdrawn  among  the  moun- 
tains, was  altogether  too  far  removed  from  the 
sea-coast  for  a  commercial  people.  The  little 
settlement  of  San  Miguel  lay  too  far  to  the  north. 
It  was  desirable  to  select  some  more  central  posi- 
tion, which  could  be  easily  found  in  one  of  the 
fruitful  valleys  that  bordered  the  Pacific.  Such 
was  that  of  Pachacamac,  which  Pizarro  now  oc- 
cupied. But,  on  further  examination,  he  pre- 
ferred the  neighboring  valley  of  Rimac,  which 
lay  to  the  north,  and  which  took  its  name,  signify- 
ing in  the  Quichua  tongue  "  one  who  speaks," 

rolled  down  on  him  as  he  was  attempting  to  scale  a  precipitous  hill  in 
New  Galacia.  In  the  same  year,  by  a  singular  coincidence,  perished 
his  beautiful  wife,  at  her  own  residence  in  (luatemala,  which  was 
overwhelmed  by  a  torrent  from  the  adjacent  mountains. 


1535]  THE    FOUNDING    OF    LIMA  243 

from  a  celebrated  idol,  whose  shrine  was  much 
frequented  by  the  Indians  for  the  oracles  it  de- 
livered. Through  the  valley  flowed  a  broad 
stream,  which,  like  a  great  artery,  was  made,  as 
usual  by  the  natives,  to  supply  a  thousand  finer 
veins  that  meandered  through  the  beautiful 
meadows. 

On  this  river  Pizarro  fixed  the  site  of  his  new 
capital,  at  somewhat  less  than  two  leagues'  dis- 
tance from  its  mouth,  which  expanded  into  a 
commodious  haven  for  the  commerce  that  the 
prophetic  eye  of  the  founder  saw  would  one  day 
— and  no  very  distant  one — float  on  its  waters. 
The  central  situation  of  the  spot  recommended  it 
as  a  suitable  residence  for  the  Peruvian  viceroy, 
whence  he  might  hold  easy  communication  with 
the  different  parts  of  the  country  and  keep  vigi- 
lant w^atch  over  his  Indian  vassals.  The  climate 
was  delightful,  and,  though  only  twelve  degrees 
south  of  the  line,  was  so  far  tempered  by  the  cool 
breezes  that  generally  blow  from  the  Pacific,  or 
from  the  opposite  quarter  down  the  frozen  sides 
of  the  Cordilleras,  that  the  heat  was  less  than  in 
corresponding  latitudes  on  the  continent.  It  never 
rained  on  the  coast ;  but  this  dryness  was  corrected 
by  a  vaporous  cloud,  which,  through  the  summer 
months,  hung  like  a  curtain  over  the  valley,  shel- 
tering it  from  the  rays  of  a  tropical  sun,  and  im- 
perceptibly distilling  a  refreshing  moisture,  that 
clothed  the  fields  in  the  brightest  verdure. 

The  name  bestowed  on  the  infant  capital  was 
Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  or  City  of  the  Kings,  in 
honor  of  the  day,  being  the  6th  of  January,  1535, 


244  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

— the  festival  of  Epiphany, — when  it  was  said  to 
have  been  founded,  or  more  probably  when  its  site 
was  determined;  as  its  actual  foundation  seems 
to  have  been  twelve  days  later.^*^  But  the  Castilian 
name  ceased  to  be  used  even  within  the  first  gen- 
eration, and  was  supplanted  by  that  of  Lima,  into 
which  the  original  Indian  name  of  Rimac  was 
corrupted  by  the  Spaniards.^^  * 

"  So  says  Quintana,  who  follows  in  this  what  he  pronounces  a  sure 
authority.  Father  Bernabe  Cobo,  in  his  book  entitled  Fundacion  de 
Lima.    Espanoles  celebres,  torn.  ii.  p.  250,  nota. 

"The  MSS.  of  the  old  Conquerors  show  how,  from  the  very  first, 
the  name  of  Lima  superseded  the  original  Indian  title:  "  Y  el  mar- 
quez  se  passo  A  Lima  y  fundo  la  ciudad  de  los  rreyes  que  agora  es." 
(Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)  "  Asimismo  ordenaron  que 
se  pasasen  el  pueblo  que  tenian  en  Xauxa  poblado  &  este  Valle  de 
Lima  donde  agora  es  esta  ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  i  aqui  se  poblo." 
Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

*  [The  climate  of  Lima  cannot  be  called  delightful.  It  certainly 
is  not  tropical,  notwithstanding  the  latitude  12°  2'  34"  S.  During 
the  winter  season — i.e.,  from  June  to  November,  inclusive — the 
mercury  ranges  from  57°  to  61°  F.,  a  delightful  temperature 
for  the  temperate  zone.  But  here  thick  clothing  is  necessarj-  both 
indoors  and  out.  The  "  poncho  "  (a  blanket,  with  a  hole  in  the  mid- 
dle for  the  head)  is  seen  everywhere  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  natives 
as  they  walk  about  the  streets.  This  is  because  of  the  thick  fogs 
which  prevail.  For  many  days  at  a  time  the  sun  is  invisible,  and 
a  drizzle  like  a  heavy  Scotch  mist  fills  the  air.  This  mist — the 
guara — saturates  the  clothing,  settles  in  puddles  upon  the  flat  roofs, 
so  that  drops  fall  therefrom  upon  the  people  sleeping  under  them, 
even  forces  itself  through  the  house  walls  so  that  they  exude  moisture. 
There  are  no  fireplaces,  or  stoves  for  heating  purposes,  and  so  a  thick 
coating  of  mildew  soon  covers  everything  that  is  not  regularly  cared 
for,  and  disea.ses  consequent  upon  the  dampness  pervade  the  city. 
The  strangest  thing  connected  with  the  guara  is  the  fact  that  it  is 
local.  In  places  like  Miraflores  and  Chorillos,  five  and  nine  miles 
away,  bright  sunshine  prevails  while  lyima  is  shrouded  in  fogs. 
Possibly  the  cold  winds  that  .sweep  down  the  valley  of  the  Rimac, 
and,  meeting  the  warmer  air  currents  blowing  in  from  the  Pacific, 
rob  them  of  their  moisture,  may  account  for  the  phenomenon.  Cer- 
tain it  is  that  Lima  is,  and  always  has  been,  a  nuist  unlicalthy  city. 
The  tradition,  no  doubt  baseless,  that  when   the   Inca  heard  where 


1*35]  LIMA  245 

The  city  was  laid  out  on  a  very  regular  plan. 
The  streets  were  to  be  much  wider  than  usual  in 
Spanish  towns,  and  perfectly  straight,  crossing 
one  another  at  right  angles,  and  so  far  asunder 
as  to  afford  ample  space  for  gardens  to  the  dwell- 
ings, and  for  public  squares.  It  was  arranged  in 
a  triangular  form,  having  the  river  for  its  base, 
the  waters  of  which  were  to  be  carried,  by  means 
of  stone  conduits  through  all  the  principal  streets, 
affording  facilities  for  irrigating  the  grounds 
around  the  houses. 

No  sooner  had  the  governor  decided  on  the  site 
and  on  the  plan  of  the  city  than  he  commenced 
operations  with  characteristic  energy.  The  In- 
dians were  collected  from  a  distance  of  more  than 
a  hundred  miles  to  aid  in  the  work.  The  Span- 
iards applied  themselves  with  vigor  to  the  task, 
under  the  eye  of  their  chief.  The  sword  was  ex- 
changed for  the  tool  of  the  artisan.  The  camp 
was  converted  into  a  hive  of  diligent  laborers ;  and 
the  sounds  of  war  were  succeeded  by  the  peaceful 
hum  of  a  busy  population.  The  plaza,  which  was 
extensive,  was  to  be  surrounded  by  the  cathedral, 
the  palace  of  the  viceroy,  that  of  the  municipality, 

Pizarro  proposed  to  build  his  capital  he  rejoiced  greatly  because 
"  soon  no  Spaniard  would  be  left  alive,"  expresses  the  general  im- 
pression concerning  its  climate.  Von  Tschadi  wrote  in  1868 :  "  It  may 
be  regarded  as  certain  that  two-thirds  of  the  people  of  Lima  are 
suffering  at  all  times  from  tercianos  (intermittent  fevers)  or  from 
the  consequences  of  the  disease."  (Travels  in  Peru,  p.  160.)  The  river 
Rimac,  which  flows  through  the  city,  is  for  a  large  part  of  the  year 
only  a  net-work  of  streamlets  losing  themselves  in  a  wide  and  shallow 
bed.  Only  when  the  summer  suns  send  the  melting  snows  down  from 
the  mountains  and  the  summer  cloud-bursts  fill  the  far  away  Que- 
bradas  with  rushing  torrents  does  it  become  the  "  broad  stream  "  of 
which  Prescott  speaks. — M.] 


246  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

and  other  public  buildings ;  and  their  foundations 
were  laid  on  a  scale  and  with  a  solidity  which  defied 
the  assaults  of  time,  and,  in  some  instances,  even 
the  more  formidable  shock  of  earthquakes,  that,  at 
different  periods,  have  laid  portions  of  the  fair 
capital  in  ruins.^^ 

While  these  events  were  going  on,  Almagro, 
the  Marshal,  as  he  is  usually  termed  by  chroniclers 
of  the  time,  had  gone  to  Cuzco,  whither  he  was 
sent  by  Pizarro  to  take  command  of  that  capital. 
He  received  also  instructions  to  undertake,  either 
by  himself  or  by  his  captains,  the  conquest  of  the 
countries  towards  the  south,  forming  part  of  Chili. 
Almagro,  since  his  arrival  at  Caxamalca,  had 
seemed  willing  to  smother  his  ancient  feelings  of 
resentment  towards  his  associate,  or,  at  least,  to 
conceal  the  expression  of  them,  and  had  consented 
to  take  command  under  him  in  obedience  to  the 
royal  mandate.  He  had  even,  in  his  despatches, 
the  magnanimity  to  make  honorable  mention  of 
Pizarro,  as  one  anxious  to  promote  the  interests 
of  the  crown.  Yet  he  did  not  so  far  trust  his 
companion  as  to  neglect  the  precaution  of  sending 
a  confidential  agent  to  represent  his  own  services, 
when  Hernando  Pizarro  undertook  his  mission  to 
the  mother-country. 

That  cavalier,  after  touching  at  St.  Domingo, 
had  arrived  without  accident  at  Seville  in  Janu- 
ary, 1534.     Besides  the  royal  fifth,  he  took  with 

"  Montesinos,  Annalcs,  MS.,  ano  1535. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru, 
MS. — The  remains  of  Pizarro's  palace  may  still  be  discerned  in  the 
Cnllejon  de  Petateros,  says  Stevenson,  who  gives  the  best  account  of 
Ijma  to  l)e  found  in  any  modern  book  of  travels  which  I  have  con- 
sulted.   Residence  in  South  America,  vol.  ii.  chap.  8. 


1535]       HERNANDO    PIZARRO    IN    SPAIN        247 

him  gold  to  the  value  of  half  a  million  of  pesoSy 
together  with  a  large  quantity  of  silver,  the  prop- 
erty of  private  adventurers,  some  of  whom,  sat- 
isfied with  their  gains,  had  returned  to  Spain  in 
the  same  vessel  with  himself.  The  custom-house 
was  filled  with  solid  ingots,  and  with  vases  of 
different  forms,  imitations  of  animals,  flowers, 
fountains,  and  other  objects,  executed  with  more 
or  less  skill,  and  all  of  pure  gold,  to  the  astonish- 
ment of  the  spectators,  who  flocked  from  the 
neighboring  country  to  gaze  on  these  marvellous 
productions  of  Indian  art.^^  Most  of  the  manu- 
factured articles  were  the  property  of  the  crown; 
and  Hernando  Pizarro,  after  a  short  stay  at  Se- 
ville, selected  some  of  the  most  gorgeous  speci- 
mens, and  crossed  the  country  to  Calatayud,  where 
the  emperor  was  holding  the  cortes  of  Aragon. 

Hernando  was  instantlj''  admitted  to  the  royal 
presence,  and  obtained  a  gracious  audience.  He 
w^as  more  conversant  with  courts  than  either  of 
his  brothers,  and  his  manners,  when  in  situations 
that  imposed  a  restraint  on  the  natural  arrogance 
of  his  temper,  were  graceful  and  even  attractive. 
In  a  respectful  tone,  he  now  recited  the  stirring 
adventures  of  his  brother  and  his  little  troop  of 
followers,  the  fatigues  they  had  endured,  the  diffi- 
culties they  had  overcome,  their  capture  of  the 
Peruvian  Inca,  and  his  magnificent  ransom.  He 
had  not  to  tell  of  the  massacre  of  the  unfortunate 
prince,  for  that  tragic  event,  which  had  occurred 
since  his  departure  from  the  country,  was  still 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  ceneral,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  13. — I>ista  de  todo  lo 
que  Hernando  Pizarro  trajo  del  Peru,  ap.  MSS.  de  Munoz. 


248  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

unknown  to  him.  The  cavalier  expatiated  on  the 
productiveness  of  the  soil,  and  on  the  civilization 
of  the  people,  evinced  by  their  proficiency  in  vari- 
ous mechanic  arts ;  in  proof  of  which  he  displayed 
the  manufactures  of  wool  and  cotton  and  the  rich 
ornaments  of  gold  and  silver.  The  monarch's  eyes 
sparkled  with  delight  as  he  gazed  on  these  last. 
He  was  too  sagacious  not  to  appreciate  the  advan- 
tages of  a  conquest  which  secured  to  him  a  country 
so  rich  in  agricultural  resources.  But  the  returns 
from  these  must  necessarily  be  gradual  and  long 
deferred;  and  he  may  be  excused  for  listening 
with  still  greater  satisfaction  to  Pizarro's  tales 
of  its  mineral  stores;  for  his  ambitious  projects 
had  drained  the  imperial  treasury,  and  he  saw  in 
the  golden  tide  thus  unexpectedly  poured  in  upon 
him  the  immediate  means  of  replenishing  it. 

Charles  made  no  difficulty,  therefore,  in  grant- 
ing the  petitions  of  the  fortunate  adventurer.  All 
the  previous  grants  to  Francisco  Pizarro  and  his 
associates  were  confirmed  in  the  fullest  manner; 
and  the  boundaries  of  the  governor's  jurisdiction 
were  extended  seventy  leagues  farther  towards 
the  south.  Nor  did  Almagro's  services,  this  time, 
go  unrequited.  He  was  empowered  to  discover 
and  occupy  the  country  for  the  distance  of  two 
hundred  leagues,  beginning  at  the  southern  limit 
of  Pizarro's  territory.^*     Charles,  in  still  further 

**  The  country  to  be  occupied  received  the  name  of  New  Toledo  in 
the  royal  grant,  as  the  conquests  of  Piz.arro  had  been  designated  by 
that  of  New  Castile.  But  the  present  attempt  to  change  the  Indian 
name  was  as  ineffectual  as  the  former,  and  the  ancient  title  of  Chili 
still  designates  that  narrow  strip  of  fruitful  land  between  the  Andes 
and  the  ocean,  which  stretches  to  the  southern  extremity  of  the  con- 
tinent. 


i*35J       HERNANDO    PIZARRO    IN    SPAIN        249 

proof  of  his  satisfaction,  was  graciously  pleased 
to  address  a  letter  to  the  two  commanders,  in  which 
he  complimented  them  on  their  prowess  and 
thanked  them  for  their  services.  This  act  of  jus- 
tice to  Almagro  would  have  been  highly  honorable 
to  Hernando  Pizarro,  considering  the  unfriendly 
relations  in  which  they  stood  to  each  other,  had  it 
not  been  made  necessary  by  the  presence  of  the 
marshal's  own  agents  at  court,  who,  as  already 
noticed,  stood  ready  to  supply  any  deficiency  in 
the  statements  of  the  emissary. 

In  this  display  of  the  royal  bounty,  the  envoy, 
as  will  readily  be  believed,  did  not  go  without  his 
reward.  He  was  lodged  as  an  attendant  of  the 
court;  was  made  a  knight  of  Santiago,  the  most 
prized  of  the  chivalric  orders  in  Spain;  was  em- 
powered to  equip  an  armament,  and  to  take  com- 
mand of  it;  and  the  royal  officers  at  Seville  were 
required  to  aid  him  in  his  views  and  facilitate  his 
embarkation  for  the  Indies.^'^ 

The  arrival  of  Hernando  Pizarro  in  the  coun- 
try, and  the  reports  spread  bj^  him  and  his  fol- 
lowers, created  a  sensation  among  the  Spaniards 
such  as  had  not  been  felt  since  the  first  voyage  of 
Columbus.  The  discovery  of  the  New  World  had 
filled  the  minds  of  men  with  indefinite  expecta- 
tions of  wealth,  of  which  almost  every  succeeding 
expedition  had  proved  the  fallacy.  The  conquest 
of  Mexico,  though  calling  forth  general  admira- 
tion-as  a  brilliant  and  wonderful  exploit,  had  as 
yet  failed  to  produce  those  golden  results  which 
had  been  so  fondly  anticipated.      The  splendid 

''  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  loc.  cit. 


250  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

promises  held  out  by  Francisco  Pizarro  on  his  re- 
cent visit  to  Spain  had  not  revived  the  confidence 
of  his  countrymen,  made  incredulous  by  repeated 
disappointment.  All  that  they  were  assured  of 
was  the  difficulties  of  the  enterprise;  and  their 
distrust  of  its  results  was  sufficiently  shown  by 
the  small  number  of  followers,  and  those  only  of 
the  most  desperate  stamp,  who  were  willing  to 
take  their  chance  in  the  adventure. 

But  now  these  promises  were  realized.  It  was 
no  longer  the  golden  reports  that  they  were  to 
trust,  but  the  gold  itself,  which  was  displayed  in 
such  profusion  before  them.  All  eyes  were  now 
turned  towards  the  West.  The  broken  spend- 
thrift saw  in  it  the  quarter  where  he  was  to  repair 
his  fortunes  as  speedily  as  he  had  ruined  them. 
The  merchant,  instead  of  seeking  the  precious 
commodities  of  the  East,  looked  in  the  opposite 
direction,  and  counted  on  far  higher  gains,  where 
the  most  common  articles  of  life  commanded  so 
exorbitant  prices.  The  cavalier,  eager  to  win  both 
gold  and  glory  at  the  point  of  his  lance,  thought 
to  find  a  fair  field  for  his  prowess  on  the  mountain- 
plains  of  the  Andes.  Hernando  Pizarro  found 
that  his  brother  had  judged  rightly  in  allowing  as 
many  of  his  company  as  chose  to  return  home, 
confident  that  the  display  of  their  wealth  would 
draw  ten  to  his  banner  for  every  one  that  quitted 
it. 

In  a  short  time  that  cavalier  saw  himself  at  the 
head  of  one  of  the  most  numerous  and  well-ap- 
pointed armaments,  j^robably,  that  had  left  the 
shores  of  Spain  since  the  great  fleet  of  Ovando, 


1535]    HERNANDO  PIZARRO  LEAVES  SPAIN    251 

in  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  It  was 
scarcely  more  fortunate  than  this.  Hardly  had 
Hernando  put  to  sea  when  a  violent  tempest  fell 
on  the  squadron  and  compelled  him  to  return  to 
port  and  refit.  At  length  he  crossed  the  ocean, 
and  reached  the  little  harbor  of  Nombre  de  Dios 
in  safety.  But  no  preparations  had  been  made 
for  his  coming,  and,  as  he  was  detained  here  some 
time  before  he  could  pass  the  mountains,  his  com- 
pany suffered  greatly  from  scarcity  of  food.  In 
their  extremity,  the  most  unwholesome  articles 
were  greedily  devoured,  and  many  a  cavalier 
spent  his  little  savings  to  procure  himself  a  miser- 
able subsistence.  Disease,  as  usual,  trod  closely 
in  the  track  of  famine,  and  numbers  of  the  un- 
fortunate adventurers,  sinking  under  the  unac- 
customed heats  of  the  climate,  perished  on  the  very 
threshold  of  discovery. 

It  was  the  tale  so  often  repeated  in  the  history 
of  Spanish  enterprise.  A  few,  more  lucky  than 
the  rest,  stumbled  on  some  unexpected  prize,  and 
hundreds,  attracted  by  their  success,  pressed  for- 
ward in  the  same  path.  But  the  rich  spoil  which 
lay  on  the  surface  had  been  already  swept  away 
by  the  first  comers,  and  those  who  followed  were 
to  win  their  treasure  by  long-protracted  and  pain- 
ful exertion.  Broken  in  spirit  and  in  fortune, 
many  returned  in  disgust  to  their  native  shores, 
while  others  remained  where  they  were,  to  die  in 
despair.  They  thought  to  dig  for  gold ;  but  they 
dug  only  their  graves. 

Yet  it  fared  not  thus  with  all  Pizarro's  com- 
pany.   JVIany  of  them,  crossing  the  Isthmus  with 


252  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

him  to  Panama,  came  in  time  to  Peru,  where,  in 
the  desperate  chances  of  its  revolutionary  strug- 
gles, some  few  arrived  at  posts  of  profit  and  dis- 
tinction. Among  those  who  first  reached  the  Pe- 
ruvian shore  was  an  emissary  sent  by  Almagro's 
agent  to  inform  him  of  the  important  grant  made 
to  him  by  the  crown.  The  tidings  reached  him 
just  as  he  was  making  his  entry  into  Cuzco,  where 
he  was  received  with  all  respect  by  Juan  and  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  who,  in  obedience  to  their  brother's 
commands,  instantly  resigned  the  government  of 
the  capital  into  the  marshal's  hands.  But  Al- 
magro  was  greatly  elated  on  finding  himself  now 
placed  by  his  sovereign  in  a  command  that  made 
him  independent  of  the  man  who  had  so  deeply 
wronged  him;  and  he  intimated  that  in  the  exer- 
cise of  his  present  authority  he  acknowledged  no 
superior.  In  this  lordly  humor  he  was  confirmed 
by  several  of  his  followers,  who  insisted  that  Cuzco 
fell  to  the  south  of  the  territory  ceded  to  Pizarro, 
and  consequently  came  within  that  now  granted 
to  the  marshal.  Among  these  followers  were  sev- 
eral of  Alvarado's  men,  who,  though  of  better 
condition  than  the  soldiers  of  Pizarro,  were  under 
much  worse  discipline,  and  had  acquired,  indeed, 
a  spirit  of  unbridled  license  under  that  unscrupu- 
lous chief .^^  They  now  evinced  little  concern  for 
the  native  population  of  Cuzco,  and,  not  content 

*•  In  point  of  discipline  they  presented  a  remarkable  contrast  to  the 
Conquerors  of  Peru,  if  we  may  take  the  word  of  Pedro  Pizarro,  who 
assures  us  that  his  comrades  would  not  have  plucked  so  much  as  an 
ear  of  corn  without  leave  from  their  commander:  "  Que  los  que  pasa- 
mos  con  el  Marquez  A  la  conquista  no  ovo  homhre  que  osase  tomar 
vna  mazorca  de  mahiz  sin  licencia."    Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


U35\   FEUDS   AMONG   THE   CONQUERORS     253 

with  the  public  edifices,  seized  on  the  dwellings  of 
individuals,  where  it  suited  their  convenience,  ap- 
propriating their  contents  without  ceremony, — 
showing  as  little  respect,  in  short,  for  person  or 
property  as  if  the  place  had  been  taken  by  storm.^^ 
While  these  events  were  passing  in  the  ancient 
Peruvian  capital,  the  governor  was  still  at  Lima, 
where  he  was  greatly  disturbed  by  the  accounts 
he  received  of  the  new  honors  conferred  on  his 
associate.  He  did  not  know  that  his  own  juris- 
diction had  been  extended  seventy  leagues  farther 
to  the  south,  and  he  entertained  the  same  suspicion 
with  Almagro,  that  the  capital  of  the  Incas  did 
not  rightfully  come  within  his  present  limits.  He 
saw  all  the  mischief  likely  to  result  from  this  opu- 
lent city  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  rival,  who 
would  thus  have  an  almost  indefinite  means  of 
gratif5nng  his  own  cupidity  and  that  of  his  fol- 
lowers. He  felt  that,  under  the  present  circum- 
stances, it  was  not  safe  to  allow  Almagro  to  an- 
ticipate the  possession  of  power  to  which,  as  yet, 
he  had  no  legitimate  right;  for  the  despatches 
containing  the  warrant  for  it  still  remained  with 
Hernando  Pizarro,  at  Panama,  and  all  that  had 
reached  Peru  was  a  copy  of  a  garbled  extract. 

-' "  Se  entraron  de  paz  en  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco  i  los  salieron  todos 
los  naturales  a  rescibir  i  les  tomaron  la  Ciudad  con  todo  quanto  havia 
de  dentro  Uenas  las  casas  de  mucha  ropa  i  algunas  oro  i  plata  i  otras 
miichas  cosas,  i  las  que  no  estaban  bien  llenas  las  enchian  de  lo  que 
tomaban  de  las  demas  casas  de  la  dicha  ciudad,  sin  pensar  que  en  ello 
hacian  ofensa  alguna  Divina  ni  humana,  i  porquesta  es  una  cosa  larpa 
i  casi  incomprehensible,  la  dexase  al  juicio  de  quien  mas  entiende 
aimque  en  el  dano  rescebido  per  parte  de  los  naturales  cerca  deste 
articulo  yo  se  h  irto  por  mis  pecados  que  no  quisiera  saber  ni  haver 
visto."     Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


254  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

Without  loss  of  time,  therefore,  he  sent  instruc- 
tions to  Cuzco  for  his  brothers  to  resume  the 
government,  while  he  defended  the  measure  to 
Almagro  on  the  ground  that  when  he  should 
hereafter  receive  his  credentials  it  would  be  un- 
becoming to  be  found  already  in  possession  of  the 
post.  He  concluded  by  urging  him  to  go  forward 
without  delay  in  his  expedition  to  the  south. 

But  neither  the  marshal  nor  his  friends  were 
pleased  with  the  idea  of  so  soon  relinquishing  the 
authority  which  they  now  considered  as  his  right. 
The  Pizarros,  on  the  other  hand,  were  pertinacious 
in  reclaiming  it.  The  dispute  grew  warmer  and 
warmer.  Each  party  had  its  supporters ;  the  city 
was  split  into  factions;  and  the  municipality,  the 
soldiers,  and  even  the  Indian  population  took 
sides  in  the  struggle  for  power.  Matters  were 
proceeding  to  extremity,  menacing  the  capital 
with  violence  and  bloodshed,  when  Pizarro  him- 
self appeared  among  them.^^ 

On  receiving  tidings  of  the  fatal  consequences 
of  his  mandates,  he  had  posted  in  all  haste  to 
Cuzco,  where  he  was  greeted  with  undisguised  joy 
by  the  natives,  as  well  as  by  the  more  temperate 
Spaniards,  anxious  to  avert  the  impending  storm. 
The  governor's  first  interview  was  with  Almagro, 
whom  he  embraced  with  a  seeming  cordiality  in 
his  manner,  and,  without  any  show  of  resentment, 
inquired  into  the  cause  of  the  present  disturbances. 
To  this  the  marshal  replied  by  throwing  the  blame 
on  Pizarro's  brothers ;  but,  although  the  governor 

"  Pedro   Pizarro,  Dcscub.   y  Conq.,   MS. — Herrera,   Hist,   general, 
dec.  5,  lib  7,  cap.  G. — Conq.  i  Pol),  del  Piru,  MS. 


1535]    FEUDS    AMONG    THE    CONQUERORS    255 

reprimanded  them  with  some  asperity  for  their 
violence,  it  was  soon  evident  that  his  sympathies 
were  on  their  side,  and  the  dangers  of  a  feud  be- 
tween the  two  associates  seemed  greater  than  ever. 
Happily,  it  was  postponed  by  the  intervention  of 
some  common  friends,  who  showed  more  discretion 
than  their  leaders.  With  their  aid  a  reconciliation 
was  at  length  effected,  on  the  grounds  substan- 
tially of  their  ancient  compact. 

It  was  agreed  that  their  friendship  should  be 
maintained  inviolate;  and,  by  a  stipulation  that 
reflects  no  great  credit  on  the  parties,  it  was  pro- 
vided that  neither  should  malign  nor  disparage  the 
other,  especially  in  their  despatches  to  the  em- 
peror, and  that  neither  should  hold  communication 
with  the  government  without  the  knowledge  of  his 
confederate;  lastly,  that  both  the  expenditures 
and  the  profits  of  future  discovery  should  be 
shared  equally  by  the  associates.  The  Avrath  of 
Heaven  was  invoked  by  the  most  solemn  impre- 
cations on  the  head  of  whichever  should  violate 
this  compact,  and  the  Almighty  was  implored  to 
visit  the  offender  with  loss  of  property  and  of  life 
in  this  world,  and  with  eternal  perdition  in  that  to 
come !  ^^  The  parties  further  bound  themselves  to 
the  observance  of  this  contract  by  a  solemn  oath 
taken  on  the  sacrament,  as  it  was  held  in  the  hands 
of  Father  Bartolome  de  Segovia,  who  concluded 
the  ceremony  by  performing  mass.      The  whole 

*" "  E  suplicamos  &  su  infinita  bondad  que  A  qualqiiier  de  nos  que 
fuere  en  contrario  de  lo  asi  convenido,  con  todo  rigor  de  justioia  per- 
mita  la  perdicion  de  su  anima,  fin  y  mal  acavamiento  de  su  vida,  de- 
struioion  y  perdimiento  de  su  familia,  honrras,  y  hacienda."  Capitu- 
lacion  entre  Pizarro  y  Almagro,  12  de  Junio,  1535,  MS. 


256  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

proceeding,  and  the  articles  of  agreement,  were 
carefully  recorded  by  the  notary,  in  an  instrument 
bearing  date  June  12th,  1535,  and  attested  by  a 
long  Hst  of  witnesses.^" 

Thus  did  these  two  ancient  comrades,  after 
trampling  on  the  ties  of  friendship  and  honor, 
hope  to  knit  themselves  to  each  other  by  the  holy 
bands  of  religion.  That  it  should  have  been  neces- 
sary to  resort  to  so  extraordinary  a  measure  might 
have  furnished  them  with  the  best  proof  of  its 
inefficacy. 

Not  long  after  this  accommodation  of  their  dif- 
ferences, the  marshal  raised  his  standard  for  Chili ; 
and  numbers,  won  by  his  popular  manners  and  by 
his  hberal  largesses, — liberal  to  prodigality, — 
eagerly  joined  in  the  enterprise,  which  they  fondly 
trusted  would  lead  even  to  greater  riches  than  they 
had  found  in  Peru.  Two  Indians,  Paullo  Topa, 
a  brother  of  the  Inca  Manco,  and  Villac  Umu,  the 
high-priest  of  the  nation,  were  sent  in  advance, 
with  three  Spaniards,  to  prepare  the  way  for  the 
little  army.  A  detachment  of  a  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  under  an  officer  named  Saavedra,  next 
followed.  Almagro  remained  behind  to  collect 
further  recruits;  but  before  his  levies  were  com- 
pleted he  began  his  march,  feeling  himself  in- 
secure, with  his  diminished  strength,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Pizarro !  ^^  The  remainder  of  his 
forces,  when  mustered,  were  to  follow  him. 

"This  remarkable  document,  the  oripinal  of  which  is  preserved 
in  the  archives  of  Simancas,  may  be  found  entire  in  the  Castilian,  in 
Appendix  No.  11. 

"  "  El  Adelantado  Almajfro  despues  que  se  vido  en  el  Ctizco  dcscar- 
nado  de  su  jente  temio  al  Marquez  no  le  prendiese  por  las  alteraciones 


1635]  FOUNDING    OF    TRUXILLO  257 

Thus  relieved  of  the  presence  of  his  rival,  the 
governor  returned  without  further  delay  to  the 
coast,  to  resume  his  labors  in  the  settlement  of  the 
country.  Besides  the  principal  city  of  "  The 
Kings,"  he  established  others  along  the  Pacific, 
destined  to  become  hereafter  the  flourishing  marts 
of  commerce.  The  most  important  of  these,  in 
honor  of  his  birthplace,  he  named  Truxillo,  plant- 
ing it  on  a  site  already  indicated  by  Almagro.^^ 
He  made  also  numerous  repartimientos  both  of 
lands  and  Indians  among  his  followers,  in  the 
usual  manner  of  the  Spanish  Conquerors ;  ^^ 
though  here  the  ignorance  of  the  real  resources 
of  the  country  led  to  very  different  results  from 
what  he  had  intended,  as  the  territory  smallest  in 
extent  not  unfrequently,  from  the  hidden  treas- 
ures in  its  bosoms,  turned  out  greatest  in  value.^^ 

But  nothing  claimed  so  much  of  Pizarro's  care 

pasadas  que  havia  tenido  con  sus  hermanos  como  ya  hemos  dicho,  i 
dicen  que  por  ser  avisado  dello  tom6  la  posta  i  se  fue  al  pueblo  de 
Paria  donde  estava  su  Capitan  Saavedra."  Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru, 
MS. 

"  Carta  de  F.  Pizarro  a  Molina,  MS. 

"  I  have  before  me  copies  of  two  grants  of  encomiendas  by  Pizarro, 
the  one  dated  at  Xauxa,  1534,  the  other  at  Cuzco,  1539. — They  em- 
phatically enjoin  on  the  colonist  the  religious  instruction  of  the 
natives  under  his  care,  as  well  as  kind  and  considerate  usage.  How 
ineffectual  were  the  recommendations  may  be  inferred  from  the 
lament  of  the  anonymous  contemporary  often  cited,  that  "  from  this 
time  forth  the  pest  of  personal  servitude  was  established  among  the 
Indians,  equally  disastrous  to  body  and  soul  of  both  the  master  and 
the  slave."  (Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.)  This  honest  burst  of  indig- 
nation, not  to  have  been  expected  in  the  rude  Conqueror,  came 
probably  from  an  ecclesiastic. 

"  "  El  Marques  hizo  encomiendas  en  los  Espanoles,  las  quales  f  ue- 
ron  por  noticias  que  ni  el  sabia  lo  que  dava  ni  nadie  lo  que  rescebia 
sino  a  tiento  ya  poco  mas  6  menos,  y  asi  muchos  que  pensaron  que  se 
les  dava  pocos  se  hallaron  con  mucho  y  al  contrario."  Ondegardo, 
Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 
Vol.  II.— 17 


258  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

as  the  rising  metropolis  of  Lima;  and  so  eagerly 
did  he  press  forward  the  work,  and  so  well  was 
he  seconded  by  the  multitude  of  laborers  at  his 
command,  that  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  his 
young  capital,  with  its  stately  edifices  and  its 
pomp  of  gardens,  rapidly  advancing  towards 
completion.  It  is  pleasing  to  contemplate  the 
softer  features  in  the  character  of  the  rude  sol- 
dier, as  he  was  thus  occupied  with  healing  up  the 
ravages  of  war  and  laying  broad  the  foundations 
of  an  empire  more  civilized  than  that  which  he  had 
overthrown.  This  peaceful  occupation  formed  a 
contrast  to  the  life  of  incessant  turmoil  in  which  he 
had  been  hitherto  engaged.  It  seemed,  too,  better 
suited  to  his  own  advancing  age,  which  naturally 
invited  to  repose.  And,  if  we  may  trust  his  chron- 
iclers, there  was  no  part  of  his  career  in  which  he 
took  greater  satisfaction.  It  is  certain  there  is 
no  part  which  has  been  viewed  with  greater 
satisfaction  by  posterity;  and,  amidst  the  woe 
and  desolation  which  Pizarro  and  his  followers 
brought  on  the  devoted  land  of  the  Incas,  Lima, 
the  beautiful  City  of  the  Kings,  still  survives  as 
the  most  glorious  work  of  his  creation,  the  fairest 
gem  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific. 


CHAPTER  X 

ESCAPE  OF  THE  INCA — RETURN  OF  HERNANDO   PI- 

ZARRO RISING    OF   THE    PERUVIANS SIEGE   AND 

BURNING   OF    CUZCO DISTRESSES   OF   THE    SPAN- 
IARDS  STORMING    OF    THE    FORTRESS PIZARRO's 

DISMAY — THE  INCA  RAISES  THE  SIEGE 

1535-1536 

WHILE  the  absence  of  his  rival  Ahnagro 
reHeved  Pizarro  from  all  immediate  dis- 
quietude from  that  quarter,  his  authority  was 
menaced  in  another,  where  he  had  least  expected 
it.  This  was  from  the  native  population  of  the 
country.  Hitherto  the  Peruvians  had  shown  only 
a  tame  and  submissive  temper,  that  inspired  their 
conquerors  with  too  much  contempt  to  leave  room 
for  apprehension.  They  had  passively  acquiesced 
in  the  usurpation  of  the  invaders, — had  seen  one 
monarch  butchered,  another  placed  on  the  vacant 
throne,  their  temples  despoiled  of  their  treasures, 
their  capital  and  country  appropriated  and  par- 
celled out  among  the  Spaniards,  but,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  an  occasional  skirmish  in  the  mountain- 
passes,  not  a  blow  had  been  struck  in  defence  of 
their  rights.  Yet  this  was  the  warlike  nation 
which  had  spread  its  conquests  over  so  large  a  part 
of  the  continent ! 

In  his  career,  Pizarro,  though  he  scrupled  at 
nothing  to  effect  his  object,  had  not  usually  coun- 

259 


260  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

tenanced  such  superfluous  acts  of  cruelty  as  had 
too  often  stained  the  arms  of  his  countrymen  in 
other  parts  of  the  continent,  and  which  in  the 
course  of  a  few  years  had  exterminated  nearly  a 
whole  population  in  Hispaniola.  He  had  struck 
one  astounding  blow,  by  the  seizure  of  Atahu- 
allpa;  and  he  seemed  willing  to  rely  on  this  to 
strike  terror  into  the  natives.  He  even  affected 
some  respect  for  the  institutions  of  the  country, 
and  had  replaced  the  monarch  he  had  murdered 
by  another  of  the  legitimate  line.  Yet  this  was 
but  a  pretext.  The  kingdom  had  experienced  a 
revolution  of  the  most  decisive  kind.  Its  ancient 
institutions  were  subverted.  Its  heaven-descended 
aristocracy  was  levelled  almost  to  the  condition  of 
the  peasant.  The  people  became  the  serfs  of  the 
Conquerors.  Their  dwellings  in  the  capital — at 
least,  after  the  arrival  of  Alvarado's  officers — 
were  seized  and  appropriated.  The  temples  were 
turned  into  stables;  the  royal  residences  into  bar- 
racks for  the  troops.  The  sanctity  of  the  religious 
houses  was  violated.  Thousands  of  matrons  and 
maidens,  who,  however  erroneous  their  faith,  lived 
in  chaste  seclusion  in  the  conventual  establish- 
ments, were  now  turned  abroad  and  became  the 
prey  of  a  licentious  soldiery.*     A  favorite  wife 

'  So  says  the  author  of  the  Conquista  i  Pohlacion  del  Piru,  a  con- 
temporary writer,  who  describes  what  he  saw  himself,  as  well  as  what 
he  gathered  from  others.  Several  circumstances,  especially  the 
honest  indignation  he  expresses  at  the  excesses  of  the  Conquerors, 
lead  one  to  suppose  he  may  have  been  an  ecclesiastic,  one  of  the  good 
men  who  attended  the  cruel  expedition  on  an  errand  of  love  and 
mercy.  It  is  to  be  hopetl  that  his  credulity  leads  him  to  exaggerate 
the  misdeeds  of  his  countrymen.  According  to  him,  there  were  full 
six  thousand  women  of  rank  living  in  the  convents  of  Cuzco,  served 


1535J  THE    INCA    MANCO  261 

of  the  young  Inca  was  debauched  by  the  Castilian 
officers.  The  Inca,  himself  treated  with  con- 
temptuous indiiFerence,  found  that  he  was  a 
poor  dependent,  if  not  a  tool,  in  the  hands  of 
the  conquerors.^ 

Yet  the  Inca  Manco  was  a  man  of  a  lofty  spirit 
and  a  courageous  heart ;  such  a  one  as  might  have 
challenged  comparison  with  the  bravest  of  his 
ancestors  in  the  prouder  days  of  the  empire. 
Stung  to  the  quick  by  the  humiliations  to  which 
he  was  exposed,  he  repeatedly  urged  Pizarro  to 
restore  him  to  the  real  exercise  of  power,  as  well 
as  to  the  show  of  it.  But  Pizarro  evaded  a  re- 
quest so  incompatible  with  his  own  ambitious 
schemes,  or,  indeed,  with  the  policy  of  Spain,  and 
the  young  Inca  and  his  nobles  were  left  to  brood 
over  their  injuries  in  secret  and  await  patiently 
the  hour  of  vengeance. 

each  by  fifteen  or  twenty  female  attendants,  most  of  whom  that  did 
not  perish  in  the  war  suffered  a  more  melancholy  fate,  as  the  victims 
of  prostitution.  The  passage  is  so  remarkable,  and  the  MS.  so  rare, 
that  I  will  cite  it  in  the  original:  "  De  estas  sefioras  del  Cuzco  es 
cierto  de  tener  grande  sentimiento  el  que  tuviese  alguna  humanidad 
en  el  pecho,  que  en  tiempo  de  la  prosperidad  del  Cuzco  quando  los 
Espanoles  entraron  en  el  havia  grand  cantidad  de  senoras  que  tenian 
sus  casas  i  sus  asientos  mui  quietas  i  sosegadas  i  vivian  mui  politica- 
mente  i  como  mui  buenas  mugeres,  cada  senora  acompaiiada  con 
quince  o  veinte  mugeres  que  tenia  de  servicio  en  su  casa  bien  traidas  i 
aderezadas,  i  no  salian  menos  desto  i  con  grand  onestidad  i  gravedad 
i  atavio  d  su  usanza,  i  es  a  la  cantidad  destas  senoras  principales  creo 
yo  que  en  el  .  .  .  que  avia  mas  de  seis  mil  sin  las  de  servicio  que  creo 
yo  que  eran  mas  de  veinte  mil  mugeres  sin  las  de  servicio  i  mnma- 
conas  que  eran  las  que  andavan  como  beatas,  i  dende  &  dos  afios  casi 
no  se  allava  en  el  Cuzco  i  su  tierra  sino  cada  qual  i  qual  porque  muchas 
mxirieron  en  la  guerra  que  huvo  i  las  otras  vinieron  las  mas  a  ser 
malas  mugeres.  Senior  perdone  a  quien  fue  la  causa  desto  i  aquien  no 
lo  remedia  pudiendo."  Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 
"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


262  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  dissensions  among  the  Spaniards  them- 
selves seemed  to  afford  a  favorable  opportunity 
for  this.  The  Peruvian  chiefs  held  many  confer- 
ences together  on  the  subject,  and  the  high-priest 
Villac  Umu  urged  the  necessity  of  a  rising  so  soon 
as  Almagro  had  withdrawn  his  forces  from  the 
city.  It  would  then  be  comparatively  easy,  by 
assaulting  the  invaders  on  their  several  posts, 
scattered  as  they  were  over  the  country,  to  over- 
power them  by  superior  numbers,  and  shake  off 
their  detested  yoke  before  the  arrival  of  fresh  re- 
inforcements should  rivet  it  forever  on  the  necks 
of  his  countrymen.  A  plan  for  a  general  rising 
was  formed,  and  it  was  in  conformity  to  it  that 
the  priest  was  selected  by  the  Inca  to  bear  Al- 
magro company  on  the  march,  that  he  might 
secure  the  co-operation  of  the  natives  in  the 
country,  and  then  secretly  return — as  in  fact  he 
did — to  take  a  part  in  the  insurrection. 

To  carry  their  plans  into  effect,  it  became  neces- 
sary that  the  Inca  Manco  should  leave  the  city 
and  present  himself  among  his  people.  He  found 
no  difficulty  in  withdrawing  from  Cuzco,  where 
his  presence  was  scarcely  heeded  by  the  Spaniards, 
as  his  nominal  power  was  held  in  little  deference 
by  the  haughty  and  confident  Conquerors.  But  in 
the  capital  there  was  a  body  of  Indian  allies  more 
jealous  of  his  movements.  These  were  from  the 
tribe  of  the  Canaris,  a  warlike  race  of  the  north, 
too  recently  reduced  by  the  Incas  to  have  much 
sympathy  with  them  or  their  institutions.  There 
were  about  a  thousand  of  this  people  in  the  place, 
and,  as  they  had  conceived  some  suspicion  of  the 


1*35]    RETURN    OF    HERNANDO    PIZARRO     263 

Inca's  purpose,  they  kept  an  eye  on  his  movements 
and  speedily  reported  his  absence  to  Juan  Pizarro. 

That  cavalier,  at  the  head  of  a  small  body  of 
horse,  instantly  marched  in  pursuit  of  the  fugi- 
tive, whom  he  wsls  so  fortunate  as  to  discover  in 
a  thicket  of  reeds,  in  which  he  had  sought  to  con- 
ceal himself,  at  no  great  distance  from  the  city. 
Manco  was  arrested,  brought  back  a  prisoner  to 
Cuzco,  and  placed  under  a  strong  guard  in  the 
fortress.  The  conspiracy  seemed  now  at  an  end; 
and  nothing  was  left  to  the  unfortunate  Peru- 
vians but  to  bewail  their  ruined  hopes,  and  to  give 
utterance  to  their  disappointment  in  doleful  bal- 
lads, which  rehearsed  the  captivity  of  their  Inca 
and  the  downfall  of  his  royal  house.^ 

While  these  things  were  in  progress,  Hernando 
Pizarro  returned  to  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  bearing 
with  him  the  royal  commission  for  the  extension 
of  his  brother's  powers,  as  well  as  of  those  con- 
ceded to  Almagro.  The  envoy  also  brought  the 
royal  patent  conferring  on  Francisco  Pizarro  the 
title  of  Marques  de  los  Atavillos,* — a  province  in 
Peru.  Thus  was  the  fortunate  adventurer  placed 
in  the  ranks  of  the  proud  aristocracy  of  Castile, 
few  of  whose  members  could  boast — if  they  had 
the  courage  to  boast — their  elevation  from  so 
humble  an  origin,  as  still  few^er  could  justify  it 
by  a  show  of  greater  services  to  the  crown. 

*  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  1,  2.— Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.— Zarate,  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  2,  cap.  3. 

*  [Markham  asserts  that  there  is  no  record  whatever  that  a  special 
designation  for  his  marquisate  was  ever  granted  to  Pizarro.  He 
signed  himself  simply  the  Marquis  Pizarro. — M.] 


264  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  new  marquis  resolved  not  to  forward  the 
commission  at  present,  to  the  marshal,  whom  he 
designed  to  engage  still  deeper  in  the  conquest 
of  Chili,  that  his  attention  might  be  diverted  from 
Cuzco,  which,  however,  his  brother  assured  him, 
now  fell,  without  doubt,  within  the  newly-ex- 
tended limits  of  his  own  territory.  To  make 
more  sure  of  this  important  prize,  he  despatched 
Hernando  to  take  the  government  of  the  capital 
into  his  own  hands,  as  the  one  of  his  brothers  on 
whose  talents  and  practical  experience  he  placed 
greatest  reliance. 

Hernando,  notwithstanding  his  arrogant  bear- 
ing towards  his  countrymen,  had  ever  manifested 
a  more  than  ordinary  sympathy  with  the  Indians. 
He  had  been  the  friend  of  Atahuallpa, — to  such 
a  degree,  indeed,  that  it  was  said,  if  he  had  been 
in  the  camp  at  the  time,  the  fate  of  that  unhappy 
monarch  would  probably  have  been  averted.  He 
now  showed  a  similar  friendly  disposition  towards 
his  successor,  Manco.  He  caused  the  Peruvian 
prince  to  be  liberated  from  confinement,  and 
gradually  admitted  him  to  some  intimacy  with 
himself.  The  crafty  Indian  availed  himself  of 
his  freedom  to  mature  his  plans  for  the  rising, 
but  with  so  much  caution  that  no  suspicion  of 
them  crossed  the  mind  of  Hernando.  Secrecy 
and  silence  are  characteristic  of  the  American, 
almost  as  invariably  as  the  peculiar  color  of  his 
skin.  Manco  disclosed  to  his  conqueror  the  exist- 
ence of  several  heaps  of  treasure  and  the  places 
where  they  had  been  secreted;  and  ^v]len  he  had 
thus  won  his  confidence  he  stimulated  his  cupidity 


1*3^]  ESCAPE   OF    THE    INCA  265 

still  further  by  an  account  of  a  statue  of  pure  gold 
of  his  father  Huayna  Capac,  which  the  wily  Pe- 
ruvian requested  leave  to  bring  from  a  secret  cave 
in  which  it  was  deposited,  among  the  neighboring 
Andes.  Hernando,  blinded  by  his  avarice,  con- 
sented to  the  Inca's  departure. 

He  sent  with  him  two  Spanish  soldiers,  less  as 
a  guard  than  to  aid  him  in  the  object  of  his  expe- 
dition. A  week  elapsed,  and  yet  he  did  not  re- 
turn, nor  were  there  any  tidings  to  be  gathered 
of  him.  Hernando  now  saw  his  error,  especially 
as  his  own  suspicions  were  confirmed  by  the  un- 
favorable reports  of  his  Indian  allies.  Without 
further  delay,  he  despatched  his  brother  Juan,  at 
the  head  of  sixty  horse,  in  quest  of  the  Peruvian 
prince,  with  orders  to  bring  him  back  once  more 
a  prisoner  to  his  capital. 

That  cavalier,  with  his  well-armed  troops,  soon 
traversed  the  environs  of  Cuzco,  without  discover- 
ing any  vestige  of  the  fugitive.  The  country  was 
remarkably  silent  and  deserted,  until,  as  he  ap- 
proached the  mountain-range  that  hems  in  the 
valley  of  Yucay,  about  six  leagues  from  the  city, 
he  was  met  by  the  two  Spaniards  who  had  accom- 
panied Manco.  They  informed  Pizarro  that  it 
w^as  only  at  the  point  of  the  sword  he  could  re- 
cover the  Inca,  for  the  country  was  all  in  arms, 
and  the  Peruvian  chief  at  its  head  was  preparing 
to  march  on  the  capital.  Yet  he  had  offered  no 
violence  to  their  persons,  but  had  allowed  them 
to  return  in  safety. 

The  Spanish  captain  found  this  story  fully  con- 
firmed when  he  arrived  at  the  river  Yucay,  on 


266  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  opposite  bank  of  which  were  drawn  up  the 
Indian  battahons  to  the  number  of  many  thou- 
sand men,  who,  with  their  young  monarch  at  their 
head,  prepared  to  dispute  his  passage.  It  seemed 
that  they  could  not  feel  their  position  sufficiently 
strong  without  placing  a  river,  as  usual,  between 
them  and  their  enemy.  The  Spaniards  were  not 
checked  by  this  obstacle.  The  stream,  though 
deep,  was  narrow;  and,  plunging  in,  they  swam 
their  horses  boldly  across,  amidst  a  tempest  of 
stones  and  arrows  that  rattled  thick  as  hail  on  their 
harness,  finding  occasionally  some  crevice  or  vul- 
nerable point, — although  the  wounds  thus  received 
only  goaded  them  to  more  desperate  efforts.  The 
barbarians  fell  back  as  the  cavaliers  made  good 
their  landing;  but,  without  allowing  the  latter 
time  to  form,  they  returned  with  a  spirit  which 
they  had  hitherto  seldom  displayed,  and  enveloped 
them  on  all  sides  with  their  greatly  superior  num- 
bers. The  fight  now  raged  fiercely.  Many  of 
the  Indians  were  armed  with  lances  headed  with 
copper  tempered  almost  to  the  hardness  of  steel, 
and  with  huge  maces  and  battle-axes  of  the  same 
metal.  Their  defensive  armor,  also,  was  in  many 
respects  excellent,  consisting  of  stout  doublets  of 
quilted  cotton,  shields  covered  with  skins,  and 
casques  richly  ornamented  with  gold  and  jewels, 
or  sometimes  made  like  those  of  the  Mexican,  in 
the  fantastic  shape  of  the  heads  of  wild  animals, 
garnished  with  rows  of  teeth  that  grinned  hor- 
ribly above  the  visage  of  the  warrior.^    The  whole 

' "  Es    gente,"   says   Oviedo,   "  muy   belicosa   (•   muy    dicstra;     sus 
armas  son  picas,  6  ondas,  porras  6  Alabardas  de  Plata  ('•  oro  e  cobre." 


1*35]  RISING    OF    THE    PERUVIANS  267 

army  wore  an  aspect  of  martial  ferocity,  under 
the  control  of  much  higher  military  discipline  than 
the  Spaniards  had  before  seen  in  the  country. 

The  little  band  of  cavaliers,  shaken  by  the  fury 
of  the  Indian  assault,  were  thrown  at  first  into 
some  disorder,  but  at  length,  cheering  on  one  an- 
other with  the  old  war-cry  of  "  St.  Jago,"  they 
formed  in  solid  column  and  charged  boldly  into 
the  thick  of  the  enemy.  The  latter,  incapable 
of  withstanding  the  shock,  gave  way,  or  were 
trampled  down  under  the  feet  of  the  horses  or 
pierced  by  the  lances  of  the  riders.  Yet  their 
flight  was  conducted  with  some  order;  and  they 
turned  at  intervals,  to  let  off  a  volley  of  arrows 
or  to  deal  furious  blows  with  their  pole-axes  and 
w  ar-clubs.  They  fought  as  if  conscious  that  they 
were  under  the  eye  of  their  Inca. 

It  was  evening  before  they  had  entirely  quitted 
the  level  ground  and  withdrawn  into  the  fast- 
nesses of  the  lofty  range  of  hills  which  belt  round 
the  beautiful  valley  of  Yucay.  Juan  Pizarro  and 
his  little  troop  encamped  on  the  level  at  the  base 
of  the  mountains.  He  had  gained  a  victory,  as 
usual,  over  immense  odds;  but  he  had  never  seen 
a  field  so  well  disputed,  and  his  victory  had  cost 
him  the  lives  of  several  men  and  horses,  while 
many  more  had  been  wounded,  and  were  nearly 

(Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  17.)  Xerez  has  made 
a  good  enumeration  of  tlie  native  Peruvian  arms.  (Conq.  del  Peru, 
ap.  Barcia,  toni.  iii.  p.  x?00.)  Father  Velasco  has  added  considerably 
to  this  catalogue.  According  to  him,  they  used  copper  swords, 
poniards,  and  other  European  weapons.  (Hist,  de  Quito,  torn.  i.  pp. 
178-180.)  He  does  not  insist  on  their  knowledge  of  fire-arms  before 
the  Conquest ! 


268  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

disabled  by  the  fatigues  of  the  day.  But  he 
trusted  the  severe  lesson  he  had  inflicted  on  the 
enemy,  whose  slaughter  was  great,  would  crush 
the  spirit  of  resistance.    He  was  deceived. 

The  following  morning,  great  was  his  dismay 
to  see  the  passes  of  the  mountains  filled  up  with 
dark  lines  of  warriors,  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  penetrate  into  the  depths  of  the  sierra,  while 
dense  masses  of  the  enemy  were  gathered  like 
thunder-clouds  along  the  slopes  and  summits,  as 
if  ready  to  pour  down  in  fury  on  the  assailants. 
The  ground,  altogether  unfavorable  to  the  ma- 
noeuvres of  cavalry,  gave  every  advantage  to  the 
Peruvians,  who  rolled  down  huge  rocks  from 
their  elevated  position  and  sent  off  incessant 
showers  of  missiles  on  the  heads  of  the  Span- 
iards. Juan  Pizarro  did  not  care  to  entangle 
himself  farther  in  the  perilous  defile;  and, 
though  he  repeatedly  charged  the  enemy  and 
drove  them  back  with  considerable  loss,  the 
second  night  found  him  with  men  and  horses 
wearied  and  wounded,  and  as  little  advanced  in 
the  object  of  his  expedition  as  on  the  preceding 
evening.  From  this  embarrassing  position,  after 
a  day  or  two  more  spent  in  unprofitable  hostilities, 
he  was  surprised  by  a  summons  from  his  brother 
to  return  with  all  expedition  to  Cuzco,  which  was 
now  besieged  by  the  enemy! 

Without  delay  he  began  his  retreat,  recrossed 
the  valley,  the  recent  scene  of  slaughter,  swam 
the  river  Yucay,  and,  by  a  rapid  countermarch, 
closely  followed  by  the  victorious  Indians,  who 
celebrated  their  success  with  songs  or  rather  yells 


1536]  RISING    OF    THE    PERUVIANS  269 

of  triumph,  he  arrived  before  nightfall  in  sight 
of  the  capital. 

But  very  different  was  the  sight  which  there 
met  his  eyes  from  what  he  had  beheld  on  leaving 
it  a  few  days  before.  The  extensive  environs,  as 
far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  were  occupied  by  a 
mighty  host,  which  an  indefinite  computation 
swelled  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  thousand 
warriors."^  The  dusky  lines  of  the  Indian  battal- 
ions stretched  out  to  the  very  verge  of  the  moun- 
tains ;  while,  all  around,  the  eye  saw  only  the  crests 
and  waving  banners  of  chieftains,  mingled  with 
rich  panoplies  of  feather-work,  which  reminded 
some  few  who  had  served  under  Cortes  of  the 
military  costume  of  the  Aztecs.  Above  all  rose 
a  forest  of  long  lances  and  battle-axes  edged  with 
copper,  which,  tossed  to  and  fro  in  wild  confu- 
sion, glittered  in  the  rays  of  the  setting  sun,  like 
light  playing  on  the  surface  of  a  dark  and  troubled 
ocean.  It  was  the  first  time  that  the  Spaniards 
had  beheld  an  Indian  army  in  all  its  terrors, — 
such  an  army  as  the  Incas  led  to  battle,  when  the 
banner  of  the  Sun  was  borne  triumphant  over  the 
land. 

Yet  the  bold  hearts  of  the  cavaliers,  if  for  a 
moment  dismayed  by  the  sight,  soon  gathered 
courage  as  they  closed  up  their  files  and  pre- 
pared to  open  a  way  for  themselves  through  the 
beleaguering  host.  But  the  enemy  seemed  to  shun 
the  encounter,  and,  falling  back  at  their  approach, 

' "  Pues  junta  toda  la  gente  quel  ynga  avia  embiado  d  juntar  que  d 
lo  que  se  entendio  y  los  indios  dixeron  fueron  dozientos  mil  indios  de 
guerra  los  que  vinieron  d  poner  este  cerco."  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y  Conq.,  MS. 


270  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

left  a  free  entrance  into  the  capital.  The  Peru- 
vians were  probably  not  unwilling  to  draw  as 
many  victims  as  they  could  into  the  toils,  conscious 
that  the  greater  the  number  the  sooner  they  would 
become  sensible  to  the  approaches  of  famine.^ 

Hernando  Pizarro  greeted  his  brother  with  no 
little  satisfaction;  for  he  brought  an  important 
addition  to  his  force,  which  now,  when  all  were 
united,  did  not  exceed  two  hundred,  horse  and 
foot,"  besides  a  thousand  Indian  auxiliaries;  an 
insignificant  number,  in  comparison  with  the 
countless  multitudes  that  were  swarming  at  the 
gates.  That  night  was  passed  by  the  Spaniards 
with  feelings  of  the  deepest  anxiety,  as  they  looked 
forward  with  natural  apprehension  to  the  morrow. 
It  was  early  in  February,  1536,  when  the  siege  of 
Cuzco  commenced, — a  siege  memorable  as  calling 
out  the  most  heroic  displays  of  Indian  and  Euro- 
pean valor,  and  bringing  the  two  races  into  dead- 
lier conflict  with  each  other  than  had  yet  occurred 
in  the  conquest  of  Peru. 

The  numbers  of  the  enemy  seemed  no  less  for- 
midable during  the  night  than  by  the  light  of 
day:  far  and  wide  their  watch-fires  were  to  be 
seen  gleaming  over  valley  and  hill-top,  as  thickly 
scattered,  says  an  eye-witness,  as  "  the  stars  of 
heaven  in  a  cloudless  night."  ^    Before  these  fires 

•  Pedro  Pizarro,  Dcscub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i  Poh.  del  Piru,  MS. 
— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4.^-Gomara,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  cap.  133. 

' "  Y  los  pocos  Rspafioles  que  heramos  aun  no  dozientos  todos." 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descjib.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

• "  Pues  de  noche  heran  tantos  los  fuepos  qne  no  parecia  sino  vn 
delo  muy  sereno  lleno  de  estrellas."  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 


1536]  RISING    OF    THE    PERUVIANS  271 

had  become  pale  in  the  Hght  of  the  morning,  the 
Spaniards  were  roused  by  the  hideous  clamor  of 
conch,  trumpet,  and  atabal,  mingled  with  the  fierce 
war-cries  of  the  barbarians,  as  they  let  off  volleys 
of  missiles  of  every  description,  most  of  which 
fell  harmless  within  the  city.  But  others  did  more 
serious  execution.  These  were  burning  arrows, 
and  red-hot  stones  wrapped  in  cotton  that  had 
been  steeped  in  some  bituminous  substance,  which, 
scattering  long  trains  of  light  through  the  air, 
fell  on  the  roofs  of  the  buildings  and  speedily 
set  them  on  fire.''  These  roofs,  even  of  the  bet- 
ter sort  of  edifices,  were  uniformly  of  thatch, 
and  were  ignited  as  easily  as  tinder.  In  a 
moment  the  flames  burst  forth  from  the  most 
opposite  quarters  of  the  city.  They  quickly 
communicated  to  the  woodwork  in  the  interior 
of  the  buildings,  and  broad  sheets  of  flame 
mingled  with  smoke  rose  up  towards  the  heav- 
ens, throwing  a  fearful  glare  over  every  object. 
The  rarefied  atmosphere  heightened  the  pre- 
vious impetuosity  of  the  wind,  which  fanning 
the  rising  flames,  they  rapidly  spread  from 
dwelling  to  dwelling,  till  the  whole  fiery  mass, 
swayed  to  and  fro  by  the  tempest,  surged  and 
roared  with  the  fury  of  a  volcano.  The  heat  be- 
came intense,  and  clouds  of  smoke,  gathering  in 
a  dark  pall  over  the  city,  produced  a  sense  of 

•  "  Unas  piedras  rredondas  y  hechallas  en  el  fuego  y  hazellas  asqua 
embolvianlas  en  vnos  algodones  y  poniendolas  en  hondas  las  tiravan 
a  las  cassas  donde  no  alcanzavan  A  poner  fuego  con  las  manos,  y  ansi 
nos  quemavan  las  cassas  sin  entendello.  Otras  veces  con  flechas  en- 
cendidas  tirandolas  A  las  casas  que  como  heran  de  paja  luego  se  en- 
cendian."    Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


272  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

suffocation  and  almost  blindness  in  those  quarters 
where  it  was  driven  by  the  winds.^° 

The  Spaniards  were  encamped  in  the  great 
square,  partly  under  awnings,  and  partly  in  the 
hall  of  the  Inca  Viracocha,  on  the  ground  since 
covered  by  the  cathedral.  Three  times  in  the 
course  of  that  dreadful  day  the  roof  of  the  build- 
ing was  on  fire;  but,  although  no  efforts  were 
made  to  extinguish  it,  the  flames  went  out  with- 
out doing  much  injury.  This  miracle  was  as- 
cribed to  the  Blessed  Virgin,  who  was  distinctly 
seen  by  several  of  the  Christian  combatants,  hover- 
ing over  the  spot  on  which  was  to  be  raised  the 
temple  dedicated  to  her  worship.^  ^ 

Fortunately,  the  open  space  around  Hernando's 
little  company  separated  them  from  the  immediate 
scene  of  conflagration.  It  afforded  a  means  of 
preservation  similar  to  that  employed  by  the 
American  hunter  who  endeavors  to  surround  him- 
self with  a  belt  of  wasted  land  when  overtaken 

" "  I  era  tanto  el  humo  que  casi  los  oviera  de  aogar  i  pasaron 
grand  travajo  por  esta  causa  i  sino  fuera  porque  de  la  una  parte  de 
la  plaza  no  havia  casas  i  estava  desconorado  no  pudieran  escapar 
porque  si  por  todas  partes  les  diera  el  humo  i  el  calor  siendo  tan 
grande  pasaron  travajo,  pero  la  divina  providencia  lo  estorv6." 
Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Peru,  MS. 

"  The  Temple  was  dedicated  to  Our  Blessed  Lady  of  the  Assump- 
tion. The  apparition  of  the  Virgin  was  manifest  not  only  to  Chris- 
tian but  to  Indian  warriors,  many  of  whom  reported  it  to  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega,  in  whose  hands  the  marvellous  rarely  loses  any  of  its 
gloss.  (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  25.)  It  is  further  attested 
by  Father  Acosta,  who  came  into  the  country  forty  years  after  the 
event  (lib.  7,  cap.  27).  Both  writers  testify  to  the  seasonable  aid 
rendered  by  St.  James,  who  with  his  buckler,  displaying  the  device 
of  his  Military  Order,  and  armed  with  his  flaming  sword,  rode  his 
white  charger  into  the  thick  of  the  enemy.  The  patron  Saint  of 
Spain  might  always  be  relied  on  when  his  presence  was  needed: 
dignu8  vindice  nodvs. 


1*36]      SIEGE   AND    BURNING   OF   CUZCO      273 

by  a  conflagration  in  the  prairies.  All  day  the  fire 
continued  to  rage,  and  at  night  the  effect  was  even 
more  appalling;  for  by  the  lurid  flames  the  un- 
fortunate Spaniards  could  read  the  consternation 
depicted  in  each  other's  ghastly  countenances, 
while  in  the  suburbs,  along  the  slopes  of  the 
surrounding  hills,  might  be  seen  the  throng  of 
besiegers,  gazing  with  fiendish  exultation  on  the 
work  of  destruction.  High  above  the  town,  to  the 
north,  rose  the  gray  fortress,  which  now  showed 
ruddy  in  the  glare,  looking  grimly  down  on  the 
ruins  of  the  fair  city  which  it  was  no  longer  able 
to  protect;  and  in  the  distance  were  to  be  dis- 
cerned the  shadowy  forms  of  the  Andes,  soaring 
up  in  solitary  grandeur  into  the  regions  of  eternal 
silence,  far  beyond  the  wild  tumult  that  raged  so 
fearfully  at  their  base. 

Such  was  the  extent  of  the  city  that  it  was  sev- 
eral days  before  the  fury  of  the  fire  was  spent. 
Tower  and  temple,  hut,  palace,  and  hall,  M^ent 
down  before  it.  Fortunately,  among  the  build- 
ings that  escaped  were  the  magnificent  House  of 
the  Sun  and  the  neighboring  Convent  of  the  Vir- 
gins. Their  insulated  position  afforded  the  means, 
of  which  the  Indians  from  motives  of  piety  were 
willing  to  avail  themselves,  for  their  preserva- 
tion.^^    Full  one-half  of  the  capital,  so  long  the 

"  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  24. — Father  Valverde, 
Bishop  of  Cuzco,  who  took  so  signal  a  part  in  the  seizure  of  Atahu- 
allpa,  was  absent  from  the  countrj'  at  this  period,  but  returned  the 
following  year.  In  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  he  contrasts  the  flourish- 
ing condition  of  the  capital  when  he  left  it  and  that  in  which  he 
now  found  it,  despoiled,  as  well  as  its  beautiful  suburbs,  of  its 
ancient  glories.  "If  I  had  not  known  the  site  of  the  city,"  he  says, 
"  I  should  not  have  recognized  it  as  the  same."  The  passage  is  too 
Vol.  II.— 18 


274  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

chosen  seat  of  Western  civilization,  the  pride  of 
the  Incas,  and  the  bright  abode  of  their  tutelar 
deity,  was  laid  in  ashes  by  the  hands  of  his  own 
children.  It  was  some  consolation  for  them  to 
reflect  that  it  burned  over  the  heads  of  its  con- 
querors,— their  trophy  and  their  tomb! 

During  the  long  period  of  the  conflagration  the 
Spaniards  made  no  attempt  to  extinguish  the 
flames.  Such  an  attempt  would  have  availed 
nothing.  Yet  they  did  not  tamely  submit  to  the 
assaults  of  the  enemy,  and  they  sallied  forth 
from  time  to  time  to  repel  them.  But  the  fallen 
timbers  and  scattered  rubbish  of  the  houses  pre- 
sented serious  impediments  to  the  movements  of 
horse ;  and  when  these  were  partially  cleared  away 
by  the  efl"orts  of  the  infantry  and  the  Indian 
allies,  the  Peruvians  planted  stakes  and  threw 
barricades  across  the  path,  which  proved  equally 
embarrassing.^^    To  remove  them  was  a  work  of 

remarkable  to  be  omitted.  The  original  letter  exists  in  the  archives 
of  Simancas:  "  Certifico  A  V.  M.  que  si  no  me  acordara  del  sitio 
desta  Ciudad  yo  no  la  conosciera,  d  lo  menos  por  los  edificios  y  Pue- 
blos della:  porque  quando  el  Gobernador  D.  Franzisco  Pizarro  entr6 
aqui  y  entr^  yo  con  ^1  estava  este  valle  tan  hermoso  en  edificios  y 
poblazion  que  en  torno  tenia  que  era  cosa  de  admiracion  vello,  porque 
aunque  la  Ciudad  en  si  no  ternia  mas  de  3  o  4000  casas,  ternia  en 
torno  quasi  a  vista  19  o  20,000;  la  fortiUeza  que  estava  sobre  la 
Ciudad  parescia  desde  &  parte  una  mui  gran  fortaleza  de  las  de 
Espana:  agora  la  mayor  parte  de  la  Ciudad  esta  toda  derivada  y 
quemada;  la  fortaleza  no  tiene  quasi  nada  enhiesso;  todos  los 
pueblos  de  alderredor  no  tiene  sino  las  paredes  que  por  maravilla  ai 
casa  cubierta!  La  cosa  que  mas  contentamiento  me  dio  en  esta 
Ciudad  fue  la  Iglesia,  que  para  en  Indias  es  harto  buena  cosa, 
aunque  segun  la  riqueza  a  havido  en  esta  tierra  pudiera  ser  mas 
semejante  al  Tempio  de  Salomon."  Carta  del  01)ispo  V.  Vicente  de 
Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS.,  20  de  Marzo,  1,539. 

"Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — "Los  Indios  ganaron  el 
Cuzco  casi  todo  desta  rnanera  que  enganando  la  calle  hivan  haciendo 


1*36]      SIEGE   AND    BURNING   OF   CUZCO      275 

time  and  no  little  danger,  as  the  pioneers  were 
exposed  to  the  whole  brunt  of  the  enemy's  archery, 
and  the  aim  of  the  Peruvian  was  sure.  When  at 
length  the  obstacles  were  cleared  away  and  a  free 
course  was  opened  to  the  cavalry,  they  rushed  with 
irresistible  impetuosity  on  their  foes,  who,  falling 
back  in  confusion,  were  cut  to  pieces  by  the  riders 
or  pierced  through  with  their  lances.  The  slaugh- 
ter on  these  occasions  was  great;  but  the  Indians, 
nothing  disheartened,  usually  returned  with  re- 
newed courage  to  the  attack,  and,  while  fresh 
reinforcements  met  the  Spaniards,  in  front, 
others,  lying  in  ambush  among  the  ruins,  threw 
the  troops  into  disorder  by  assailing  them  on  the 
flanks.  The  Peruvians  were  expert  both  with  bow 
and  sling;  and  these  encounters,  notwithstanding 
the  superiority  of  their  arms,  cost  the  Spaniards 
more  lives  than  in  their  crippled  condition  they 
could  afford  to  spare, — a  loss  poorly  compensated 
by  that  of  tenfold  the  number  of  the  enemy.  One 
weapon,  peculiar  to  South  American  warfare,  was 
used  with  some  effect  by  the  Peruvians.  This  was 
the  lasso, — a  long  rope  with  a  noose  at  the  end, 
which  they  adroitly  threw  over  the  rider,  or  en- 
tangled with  it  the  legs  of  his  horse,  so  as  to  bring 
them  both  to  the  ground.  More  than  one  Span- 
iard fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  by  this  expe- 
dient.'" 

Thus  harassed,  sleeping  on  their  arms,  with  their 
horses  picketed  by  their  side,  ready  for  action  at 

una  pared  para  que  los  cavallos  ni  los  Espanoles  no  los  pudiesen 
romper."    Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Plru,  MS. 

'*  Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8, 
cap.  4. 


«76  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

any  and  every  hour,  the  Spaniards  had  no  rest 
by  night  or  by  day.  To  add  to  their  troubles, 
the  fortress  which  overlooked  the  city,  and  com- 
pletely commanded  the  great  square  in  which 
they  were  quartered,  had  been  so  feebly  gar- 
risoned in  their  false  sense  of  security  that  on 
the  approach  of  the  Peruvians  it  had  been  aban- 
doned without  a  blow  in  its  defence.  It  was 
now  occupied  by  a  strong  body  of  the  enemy, 
who  from  his  elevated  position  sent  down  showers 
of  missiles,  from  time  to  time,  which  added 
greatly  to  the  annoyance  of  the  besieged. 
Bitterly  did  their  captain  now  repent  the  improvi- 
dent security  which  had  led  him  to  neglect  a  post 
so  important. 

Their  distresses  were  still  further  aggravated  by 
the  rumors  which  continually  reached  their  ears 
of  the  state  of  the  country.  The  rising,  it  was 
said,  was  general  throughout  the  land;  the  Span- 
iards living  on  their  insulated  plantations  had  all 
been  massacred ;  Lima  and  Truxillo  and  the  prin- 
cipal cities  were  besieged,  and  must  soon  fall  into 
the  enemy's  hands ;  the  Peruvians  were  in  posses- 
sion of  the  passes,  and  all  communications  were 
cut  off,  so  that  no  relief  was  to  be  expected  from 
their  countrymen  on  the  coast.  Such  were  the 
dismal  stories  (which,  however  exaggerated,  had 
too  much  foundation  in  fact)  that  now  found 
their  way  into  the  city  from  the  camp  of  the  be- 
siegers. And,  to  give  greater  credit  to  the  rumors, 
eight  or  ten  human  heads  were  rolled  into  the 
plaza,  in  whose  blood-stained  visages  the  Span- 
iards recognized  with  horror  the  lineaments  of 


1536J      DISTRESSES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS      277 

their  companions  who  they  knew  had  been  dwell- 
ing in  solitude  on  their  estates!  ^'^ 

Overcome  by  these  horrors,  many  were  for 
abandoning  the  place  at  once,  as  no  longer  ten- 
able, and  for  opening  a  passage  for  themselves  to 
the  coast  with  their  own  good  swords.  There  was 
a  daring  in  the  enterprise  which  had  a  charm  for 
the  adventurous  spirit  of  the  Castilian.  Better, 
they  said,  to  perish  in  a  manly  struggle  for  life 
than  to  die  thus  ignominiously,  pent  up  like  foxes 
in  their  holes  to  be  suffocated  by  the  hunter  I 

But  the  Pizarros,  De  Rojas,  and  some  others 
of  the  principal  cavaliers  refused  to  acquiesce  in 
a  measure  which,  they  said,  must  cover  them  with 
dishonor/®  Cuzco  had  been  the  great  prize  for 
which  they  had  contended ;  it  was  the  ancient  seat 
of  empire,  and,  though  now  in  ashes,  would  again 
rise  from  its  ruins  as  glorious  as  before.  All  eyes 
would  be  turned  on  them,  as  its  defenders,  and 
their  failure,  by  giving  confidence  to  the  enemy, 
might  decide  the  fate  of  their  countrymen 
throughout  the  land.  They  were  placed  in 
that  post  as  the  post  of  honor,  and  better  would 
it  be  to  die  there  than  to  desert  it. 

There  seemed,  indeed,  no  alternative ;  for  every 
avenue  to  escape  was  cut  off  by  an  enemy  who 
had  perfect  knowledge  of  the  country  and  pos- 

"  Herrera,  His.  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del 
Piru,  MS. 

" "  Pues  Hernando  Pi^arro  nunca  estuvo  en  ello  y  les  respondia 
que  todos  aviamos  de  morir  y  no  desamparar  el  cuzco.  Juntavanse 
&  estas  consultas  Hernando  Pi^arro  y  sus  hermanos,  Graviel  de 
Rojas,  Hernan  Ponce  de  I^eon,  el  Thesorero  Riquelrae."  Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


278  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

session  of  all  its  passes.  But  this  state  of  things 
could  not  last  long.  The  Indian  could  not,  in  the 
long  run,  contend  with  the  white  man.  The  spirit 
of  insurrection  would  die  out  of  itself.  The  great 
army  would  melt  away,  unaccustomed  as  the  na- 
tives were  to  the  privations  incident  to  a  protracted 
campaign.  Reinforcements  would  be  daily  coming 
in  from  the  colonies ;  and,  if  the  Castilians  would 
be  but  true  to  themselves  for  a  season,  they  would 
be  relieved  by  their  own  countrymen,  who  would 
never  suffer  them  to  die  like  outcasts  among  the 
mountains. 

The  cheering  words  and  courageous  bearing  of 
the  cavahers  went  to  the  hearts  of  their  followers; 
for  the  soul  of  the  Spaniard  readily  responded  to 
the  call  of  honor,  if  not  of  humanity.  All  now 
agreed  to  stand  by  their  leader  to  the  last.  But, 
if  they  would  remain  longer  in  their  present  posi- 
tion, it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  dislodge  the 
enemy  from  the  fortress;  and,  before  venturing 
on  this  dangerous  service,  Hernando  Pizarro  re- 
solved to  strike  such  a  blow  as  should  intimidate 
the  besiegers  from  further  attempts  to  molest  his 
present  quarters. 

He  communicated  his  plan  of  attack  to  his  offi- 
cers ;  and,  forming  his  little  troop  into  three  divi- 
sions, he  placed  them  under  command  of  his 
brother  Gonzalo,  of  Gabriel  de  Rojas,  an  officer 
in  whom  he  reposed  great  confidence,  and  of  Her- 
nan  Ponce  de  Leon.  The  Indian  pioneers  were 
sent  forward  to  clear  away  the  rubbish,  and  the 
several  divisions  moved  simultaneously  up  the 
principal  avenues  towards  the  camp  of  the  be- 


I53(jj        STORMING   OF   THE   FORTRESS         279 

siegers.  Such  stragglers  as  they  met  in  their  way 
were  easily  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  three  hodies, 
bursting  impetuously  on  the  disordered  lines  of 
the  Peruvians,  took  them  completely  by  surprise. 
For  some  moments  there  was  little  resistance,  and 
the  slaughter  was  terrible.  But  the  Indians  grad- 
ually rallied,  and,  coming  into  something  like 
order,  returned  to  the  fight  with  the  courage  of 
men  who  had  long  been  familiar  with  danger. 
They  fought  hand  to  hand  with  their  copper- 
headed  war-clubs  and  pole-axes,  while  a  storm 
of  darts,  stones,  and  arrows  rained  on  the  well- 
defended  bodies  of  the  Christians. 

The  barbarians  showed  more  discipline  than  was 
to  have  been  expected;  for  which,  it  is  said,  they 
were  indebted  to  some  Sj^anish  prisoners,  from 
several  of  whom  the  Inca,  having  generously 
spared  their  lives,  took  occasional  lessons  in  the 
art  of  war.  The  Peruvians  had  also  learned  to 
manage  with  some  degree  of  skill  the  weapons  of 
their  conquerors;  and  they  were  seen  armed  with 
bucklers,  helmets,  and  swords  of  European  work- 
manship, and  even,  in  a  few  instances,  mounted 
on  the  horses  which  they  had  taken  from  the  white 
men.^^  The  young  Inca,  in  particular,  accoutred 
in  the  European  fashion,  rode  a  war-horse,  which 
he  managed  with  considerable  address,  and,  with 
a  long  lance  in  his  hand,  led  on  his  followers  to 
the  attack.  This  readiness  to  adopt  the  superior 
arms  and  tactics  of  the  Conquerors  intimates  a 

*'  Herrera  assures  us  that  the  Peruvians  even  turned  the  fire-arms 
of  their  Conquerors  against  them,  compelling  their  prisoners  to  put 
the  muskets  in  order  and  manufacture  powder  for  them.  Hist, 
general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  5,  6. 


280  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

higher  civilization  than  that  which  belonged  to  the 
Aztec,  who,  in  his  long  collision  with  the  Span- 
iards, was  never  so  far  divested  of  his  terror  of 
the  horse  as  to  venture  to  mount  him. 

But  a  few  days  or  weeks  of  training  were  not 
enough  to  give  familiarity  with  weapons,  still  less 
with  tactics,  so  unlike  those  to  which  the  Peruvians 
had  been  hitherto  accustomed.  The  fight  on  the 
present  occasion,  though  hotly  contested,  was  not 
of  long  duration.  After  a  gallant  struggle,  in 
which  the  natives  threw  themselves  fearlessly  on 
the  horsemen,  endeavoring  to  tear  them  from  their 
saddles,  they  were  obliged  to  give  way  before  the 
repeated  shock  of  their  charges.  Many  were 
trampled  under  foot,  others  cut  down  by  the 
Spanish  broadswords,  while  the  arquebusiers,  sup- 
porting the  cavalry,  kept  up  a  running  fire  that 
did  terrible  execution  on  the  flanks  and  rear  of 
the  fugitives.  At  length,  sated  with  slaughter, 
and  trusting  that  the  chastisement  he  had  inflicted 
on  the  enemy  would  secure  him  from  further 
annoyance  for  the  present,  the  Castilian  general 
drew  back  his  forces  to  their  quarters  in  the  capi- 
tal.^« 

His  next  step  was  the  recovery  of  the  citadel. 
It  was  an  enterprise  of  danger.  The  fortress, 
which  overlooked  the  northern  section  of  the  city, 
stood  high  on  a  rocky  eminence,  so  steep  as  to  be 
inaccessible  on  this  quarter,  where  it  was  defended 
only  by  a  single  wall.  Towards  the  open  country 
it  was  more  easy  of  approach;    but  there  it  was 

"  Pedro  Pijiarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Conq.   i   Pob.   del   Piru, 
MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4,  5. 


1536]        STORMING   OF   THE   FORTRESS         281 

protected  by  two  semicircular  walls,*  each  about 
twelve  hundred  feet  in  length,  and  of  great  thick- 
ness. They  were  built  of  massive  stones,  or 
rather  rocks,  put  together  without  cement,  so  as 
to  form  a  kind  of  rustic-work.  The  level  of  the 
ground  between  these  lines  of  defence  was  raised 
up  so  as  to  enable  the  garrison  to  discharge  their 
arrows  at  the  assailants  while  their  own  persons 
were  protected  by  the  parapet.  Within  the  in- 
terior wall  was  the  fortress,  consisting  of  three 
strong  towers,  one  of  great  height,  which,  with  a 
smaller  one,  was  now  held  by  the  enemy,  under 
the  command  of  an  Inca  noble,  a  warrior  of 
well-tried  valor,  prepared  to  defend  it  to  the  last 
extremity. 

The  perilous  enterprise  was  intrusted  by  Her- 
nando Pizarro  to  his  brother  Juan,  a  cavalier  in 
whose  bosom  burned  the  adventurous  spirit  of  a 
knight-errant  of  romance.  As  the  fortress  was  to 
be  approached  through  the  mountain-passes,  it 
became  necessary  to  divert  the  enemy's  attention 
to  another  quarter.  A  little  while  before  sunset, 
Juan  Pizarro  left  the  city  with  a  picked  corps  of 
horsemen,  and  took  a  direction  opposite  to  that 
of  the  fortress,  that  the  besieging  army  might 
suppose  the  object  was  a  foraging  expedition. 
But,  secretly  countermarching  in  the  night,  he 
fortunately  found  the  passes  undefended,  and 
arrived  before  the  outer  wall  of  the  fortress  with- 
out giving  the  alarm  to  the  garrison.^ ^ 

»»Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

•  [There   were    three   semicircular    walls.      (See    note,    vol.    i.    p. 
20.— M.] 


282  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

The  entrance  was  through  a  narrow  opening  in 
the  centre  of  the  rampart ;  but  this  was  now  closed 
up  with  heavy  stones,  that  seemed  to  form  one 
soKd  work  with  the  rest  of  the  masonry.  It  was 
an  affair  of  time  to  dislodge  these  huge  masses 
in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  rouse  the  garrison. 
The  Indian  nations,  who  rarely  attacked  in  the 
night,  were  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the 
art  of  war  even  to  provide  against  surprise  by 
posting  sentinels.  When  the  task  was  accom- 
plished, Juan  Pizarro  and  his  gallant  troop  rode 
through  the  gateway  and  advanced  towards  the 
second  parapet. 

But  their  movements  had  not  been  conducted  so 
secretly  as  to  escape  notice,  and  they  now  found 
the  interior  court  swarming  with  warriors,  who,  as 
the  Spaniards  drew  near,  let  off  clouds  of  missiles 
that  compelled  them  to  come  to  a  halt.  Juan  Pi- 
zarro, aware  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  ordered 
one-half  of  his  corps  to  dismount,  and,  putting 
himself  at  their  head,  prepared  to  make  a  breach 
as  before  in  the  fortifications.  He  had  been 
wounded  some  days  previously  in  the  jaw,  so 
that,  finding  his  helmet  caused  him  pain,  he  rashly 
dispensed  with  it,  and  trusted  for  protection  to 
his  buckler.^*^  Leading  on  his  men,  he  encouraged 
them  in  the  work  of  demolition,  in  the  face  of 
such  a  storm  of  stones,  javelins,  and  arrows  as 
might  have  made  the  stoutest  heart  shrink  from 
encountering  it.  The  good  mail  of  the  Spaniards 
did  not  always  protect  them;  but  others  took  the 
place  of  such  as  fell,  until  a  breach  was  made,  and 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1536]        STORMING   OF   THE   FORTRESS         283 

the  cavalry  pouring  in,  rode  down  all  who  opposed 
them. 

The  parapet  was  now  abandoned,  and  the  In- 
dians, hurrying  with  disorderly  flight  across  the 
enclosure,  took  refuge  on  a  kind  of  platform  or 
terrace,  commanded  by  the  principal  tower.  Here, 
rallying,  they  shot  off  fresh  volleys  of  missiles 
against  the  Spaniards,  while  the  garrison  in  the 
fortress  hurled  down  fragments  of  rock  and  tim- 
ber on  their  heads.  Juan  Pizarro,  still  among  the 
foremost,  sprang  forward  on  the  terrace,  cheering 
on  his  men  by  his  voice  and  example;  but  at  this 
moment  he  was  struck  by  a  large  stone  on  the 
head,  not  then  protected  by  his  buckler,  and  was 
stretched  on  the  ground.  The  dauntless  chief  still 
continued  to  animate  his  followers  by  his  voice,  till 
the  terrace  was  carried  and  its  miserable  defenders 
were  put  to  the  sword.  His  sufferings  were  then 
too  much  for  him,  and  he  was  removed  to  the  town 
below,  where,  notwithstanding  every  exertion  to 
save  him,  he  survived  the  injury  but  a  fortnight, 
and  died  in  great  agony.^^  To  say  that  he  was 
a  Pizarro  is  enough  to  attest  his  claim  to  valor. 
But  it  is  his  praise  that  his  valor  was  tempered  by 
courtesy.  His  own  nature  appeared  mild  by  con- 
trast with  the  haughty  temper  of  his  brothers,  and 
his  manners  made  him  a  favorite  of  the  army.  He 
had  served  in  the  conquest  of  Peru  from  the  first, 

** "  Y  estando  batallando  con  ellos  para  echallos  de  alii  Joan 
Pizarro  se  descuido  descubrirse  la  cabe^a  con  la  adarga  y  con  las 
muchas  pedradas  que  tiravan  le  acertaron  vna  en  la  cavec^a  que  le 
quebraron  los  cascos  y  dende  d  quince  dias  murio  desta  herida  y 
ansi  berido  estuvo  forcejando  con  los  yndios  y  espaiioles  hasta  que 
se  gano  este  terrado  y  ganado  le  abaxaron  al  Cuzco."  Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


284  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

and  no  name  on  the  roll  of  its  conquerors  is  less 
tarnished  by  the  reproach  of  cruelty  or  stands 
higher  in  all  the  attributes  of  a  true  and  valiant 
knight.^^ 

Though  deeply  sensible  to  his  brother's  disaster, 
Hernando  Pizarro  saw  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost 
in  profiting  by  the  advantages  already  gained. 
Committing  the  charge  of  the  town  to  Gonzalo, 
he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  assailants  and 
laid  vigorous  siege  to  the  fortresses.  One  sur- 
rendered after  a  short  resistance.  The  other  and 
more  formidable  of  the  two  still  held  out  under 
the  brave  Inca  noble  who  commanded  it.  He  was 
a  man  of  an  athletic  frame,  and  might  be  seen 
striding  along  the  battlements,  armed  with  a 
Spanish  buckler  and  cuirass,  and  in  his  hand 
wielding  a  formidable  mace,  garnished  with 
points  or  knobs  of  copper.  With  this  terrible 
weapon  he  struck  down  all  who  attempted  to 
force  a  passage  into  the  fortress.  Some  of  his 
own  followers  who  proposed  a  surrender  he  is 
said  to  have  slain  with  his  own  hand.  Hernando 
prepared  to  carry  the  place  by  escalade.  Ladders 
were  planted  against  the  walls ;  but  no  sooner  did 
a  Spaniard  gain  the  topmost  round  than  he  was 
hurled  to  the  ground  by  the  strong  arm  of  the 
Indian  warrior.  His  activity  was  equal  to  his 
strength;  and  he  seemed  to  be  at  every  point  the 
moment  that  his  presence  was  needed. 

" "  Hera  valiente,"  says  Pedro  Pizarro,  "  y  muy  animoso,  gentil 
hombre,  magnanitno  y  afahle."  (Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)  Zarate 
dismisses  him  with  this  brief  panegyric: — "  Fue  gran  pJrdida  en  la 
Tierra,  porque  era  Juan  Pizarro  mui  valiente,  i  experimentado  en 
las  Guerras  de  los  Indies,  i  bicn  quisto,  i  amado  de  todos."  Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  3. 


1536J       STORMIxNG    OF    THE    FORTRESS        285 

The  Spanish  commander  was  filled  with  admira- 
tion at  this  display  of  valor;  for  he  could  admire 
valor  even  in  an  enemy.  He  gave  orders  that  the 
chief  should  not  be  injured,  but  be  taken  alive,  if 
possible.^^  This  was  not  easy.  At  length,  nu- 
merous ladders  having  been  planted  against  the 
tower,  the  Spaniards  scaled  it  on  several  quarters 
at  the  same  time,  and,  leaping  into  the  place,  over- 
powered the  few  combatants  who  still  made  a  show 
of  resistance.  But  the  Inca  chieftain  was  not  to 
be  taken;  and,  finding  further  resistance  ineffec- 
tual, he  sprang  to  the  edge  of  the  battlements, 
and,  casting  away  his  war-club,  wrapped  his 
mantle  around  him  and  threw  himself  headlong 
from  the  summit.^^  He  died  like  an  ancient 
Roman.  He  had  struck  his  last  stroke  for  the 
freedom  of  his  country,  and  he  scorned  to  survive 
her  dishonor.  The  Castilian  commander  left  a 
small  force  in  garrison  to  secure  his  conquest,  and 
returned  in  triumph  to  his  quarters. 

Week  after  week  rolled  away,  and  no  relief 
came  to  the  beleaguered  Spaniards.  They  had 
long  since  begun  to  feel  the  approaches  of  famine. 
Fortunately,  they  were  provided  with  water  from 
the  streams  which  flowed  through  the  city.  But, 
though  they  had  well  husbanded  their  resources, 
their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  they  had  for 

"  "  Y  mando  hernando  pi^arro  &  los  Espanoles  que  subian  que  no 
matasen  d  este  yndio  sino  que  se  lo  tomasen  d  vida,  jurando  de  no 
matalle  si  lo  avia  bivo."     Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub,  y  Conq.,  MS. 

-' "  Visto  este  orejon  que  se  lo  avian  ganado  y  le  avian  tornado  por 
dos  6  ires  partes  el  fuerte,  arrojando  las  armas  se  tapo  la  cave(;'a  y  el 
rrostro  con  la  manta  y  se  arrojo  del  cubo  abajo  mas  de  cien  estados, 
y  ansi  se  hizo  jiedazos.  A  hernando  Pi^arro  le  peso  mucho  por  no 
tomalle  a  vida."     Ibid.,  MS. 


286  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

some  time  depended  on  such  scanty  supplies  of 
grain  as  they  could  gather  from  the  ruined  maga- 
zines and  dwellings,  mostly  consumed  by  the  fire, 
or  from  the  produce  of  some  successful  foray.^^ 
This  latter  resource  was  attended  with  no  little 
difficulty;  for  every  expedition  led  to  a  fierce  en- 
counter with  the  enemy,  which  usually  cost  the 
lives  of  several  Spaniards  and  inflicted  a  much 
heavier  injury  on  the  Indian  allies.  Yet  it  was 
at  least  one  good  result  of  such  loss  that  it  left 
fewer  to  provide  for.  But  the  whole  number  of 
the  besieged  was  so  small  that  any  loss  greatly 
increased  the  difficulties  of  defence  by  the  re- 
mainder. 

As  months  passed  away  without  bringing  any 
tidings  of  their  countrymen,  their  minds  were 
haunted  with  still  gloomier  apprehensions  as  to 
their  fate.  They  well  knew  that  the  governor 
would  make  every  effort  to  rescue  them  from 
their  desperate  condition.  That  he  had  not  suc- 
ceeded in  this  made  it  probable  that  his  own  situa- 
tion was  no  better  than  theirs,  or  perhaps  he  and 
his  followers  had  already  fallen  victims  to  the  fury 
of  the  insurgents.  It  was  a  dismal  thought  that 
they  alone  were  left  in  the  land,  far  from  all 
human  succor,  to  perish  miserably  by  the  hands 
of  the  barbarians  among  the  mountains. 

Yet  the  actual  state  of  things,  though  gloomy 
in  the  extreme,  was  not  quite  so  desperate  as  their 
imaginations  had  painted  it.  The  insurrection,  it 
is  true,  had  been  general  throughout  the  country, 
at  least  that  portion  of  it  occupied  by  the  Span- 

**  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  24. 


1536]  PIZARRO'S    DISMAY  287 

iards.  It  had  been  so  well  concerted  that  it  broke 
out  almost  simultaneously,  and  the  Conquerors, 
who  were  living  in  careless  security  on  their  es- 
tates, had  been  massacred  to  the  number  of  sev- 
eral hundreds.  An  Indian  force  had  sat  down 
before  Xauxa,  and  a  considerable  army  had  oc- 
cupied the  valley  of  Rimac,  and  laid  siege  to  Lima. 
But  the  country  around  that  capital  was  of  an 
open,  level  character,  very  favorable  to  the  action 
of  cavalry.  Pizarro  no  sooner  saw  himself  men- 
aced by  the  hostile  array  than  he  sent  such  a  force 
against  the  Peruvians  as  speedily  put  them  to 
flight;  and,  following  up  his  advantage,  he  in- 
flicted on  them  such  a  severe  chastisement  that, 
although  they  still  continued  to  hover  in  the  dis- 
tance and  cut  ofl*  his  communications  with  the  in- 
terior, they  did  not  care  to  trust  themselves  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Rimac. 

The  accounts  that  the  Spanish  commander  now 
received  of  the  state  of  the  country  filled  him 
with  the  most  serious  alarm.  He  was  particularly 
solicitous  for  the  fate  of  the  garrison  at  Cuzco, 
and  he  made  repeated  efl'orts  to  relieve  that  capi- 
tal. Four  several  detachments,  amounting  to 
more  than  four  hundred  men  in  all,  half  of  them 
cavalry,  w^ere  sent  by  him  at  diff'erent  times,  under 
some  of  his  bravest  oflicers.  But  none  of  them 
reached  their  place  of  destination.  The  wily  na- 
tives permitted  them  to  march  into  the  interior  of 
the  country  until  they  were  fairly  entangled  in 
the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras.  They  then  envel- 
oped them  with  greatly  superior  numbers,  and, 
occupying  the  heights,  showered  down  their  fatal 


«88  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

missiles  on  the  heads  of  the  Spaniards,  or  crushed 
them  under  the  weight  of  fragments  of  rock  which 
they  rolled  on  them  from  the  mountains.  In  some 
instances  the  whole  detachment  was  cut  off  to  a 
man.  In  others,  a  few  stragglers  only  survived 
to  return  and  tell  the  bloody  tale  to  their  country- 
men at  Lima.^® 

Pizarro  was  now  filled  with  consternation.  He 
had  the  most  dismal  forebodings  of  the  fate  of 
the  Spaniards  dispersed  throughout  the  country, 
and  even  doubted  the  possibility  of  maintaining 
his  own  foothold  in  it  without  assistance  from 
abroad.  He  despatched  a  vessel  to  the  neighbor- 
ing colonists  at  Truxillo,  urging  them  to  abandon 
the  place,  with  all  their  effects,  and  to  repair  to 
him  at  Lima.  The  measure  was,  fortunately,  not 
adopted.  Many  of  his  men  were  for  availing 
themselves  of  the  vessels  which  rode  at  anchor  in 
the  port  to  make  their  escape  from  the  country 
at  once  and  take  refuge  in  Panama.  Pizarro 
would  not  hearken  to  so  dastardly  a  counsel,  which 
involved  the  desertion  of  the  brave  men  in  the 
interior  who  still  looked  to  him  for  protection.  He 
cut  off  the  hopes  of  these  timid  spirits  by  despatch- 
ing all  the  vessels  then  in  port  on  a  very  different 
mission.  He  sent  letters  by  them  to  the  governors 
of  Panama,  Nicaragua,  Guatemala,  and  INIexico, 

"Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  1,  cap.  5. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  5. — Garcilas.so,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  28. 
— According  to  the  historian  of  the  Incas,  there  fell  in  these  expedi- 
tions four  hundred  and  seventy  Spaniards.  Cieza  de  Leon  computes 
the  whole  number  of  Christians  who  perished  in  this  insurrection  at 
seven  hundred,  many  of  them,  he  adds,  under  circinnstances  of  great 
cruelty.  (Cronica,  cap.  S2.)  The  estimate,  considerinjr  the  spread 
and  spirit  of  the  insurrection,  does  not  seem  extravagant. 


1536]  PIZARRO'S    DISMAY  289 

representing  the  gloomy  state  of  his  affairs,  and 
invoking  their  aid.  His  epistle  to  Alvarado,  then 
established  at  Guatemala,  has  been  preserved.  He 
conjures  him  by  every  sentiment  of  honor  and  pa- 
triotism to  come  to  his  assistance,  and  this  before  it 
is  too  late.  Without  assistance,  the  Spaniards  can 
no  longer  maintain  their  footing  in  Peru,  and  that 
great  empire  will  be  lost  to  the  Castilian  crown. 
He  finally  engages  to  share  with  him  such  con- 
quests as  they  may  make  with  their  united  arms.^^ 
Such  concessions  to  the  very  man  whose  absence 
from  the  country,  but  a  few  months  before,  Pi- 
zarro  would  have  been  willing  to  secure  at  almost 
any  price,  are  sufficient  evidences  of  the  extremity 
of  his  distress.  The  succors  thus  earnestly  solicited 
arrived  in  time,  not  to  quell  the  Indian  insurrec- 
tion, but  to  aid  him  in  a  struggle  quite  as  formid- 
able with  his  own  countrymen. 

It  was  now  August.  More  than  five  months  had 
elapsed  since  the  commencement  of  the  siege  of 
Cuzco,  yet  the  Peruvian  legions  still  lay  encamped 
around  the  city.  The  siege  had  been  protracted 
much  beyond  what  was  usual  in  Indian  warfare, 
and  showed  the  resolution  of  the  natives  to  exter- 
minate the  white  men.  But  the  Peruvians  them- 
selves had  for  some  time  been  straitened  by  the 
want  of  provisions.  It  was  no  easy  matter  to  feed 
so  numerous  a  host;   and  the  obvious  resource  of 

"  fi  crea  V.  S*  sino  somos  socorridos  se  perdera  el  Cusco,  ques 
la  cosa  mas  senalada  6  de  mas  importancia  que  se  puede  descubrir,  6 
luego  nos  perder^mos  todos;  porque  somos  pocos  e  tenemos  pocas 
armas,  e  los  Indios  estan  atrevidos."  Carta  de  Francisco  Pizarro 
d  D.  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  desde  la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  29  de  Julio, 
1536,  MS. 

Vol.  II.— 19 


290  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

the  magazines  of  grain,  so  providently  prepared 
by  the  Incas,  did  them  but  httle  service,  since  their 
contents  had  been  most  prodigally  used,  and  even 
dissipated,  by  the  Spaniards,  on  their  first  occu- 
pation of  the  country.^®  The  season  for  planting 
had  now  arrived,  and  the  Inca  well  knew  that  if 
his  followers  were  to  neglect  it  they  would  be 
visited  by  a  scourge  even  more  formidable  than 
their  invaders.  Disbanding  the  greater  part  of 
his  forces,  therefore,  he  ordered  them  to  withdraw 
to  their  homes,  and,  after  the  labors  of  the  field 
were  over,  to  return  and  resume  the  blockade  of 
the  capital.  The  Inca  reserved  a  considerable 
force  to  attend  on  his  own  person,  with  which  he 
retired  to  Tambo,  a  strongly  fortified  place  south 
of  the  valley  of  Yucay,  the  favorite  residence  of 
his  ancestors.  He  also  posted  a  large  body  as  a 
corps  of  observation  in  the  environs  of  Cuzco,  to 
watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy  and  to  inter- 
cept supplies. 

The  Spaniards  beheld  with  joy  the  mighty  host 
which  had  so  long  encompassed  the  city  now  melt- 
ing away.  They  were  not  slow  in  profiting  by  the 
circumstance,  and  Hernando  Pizarro  took  advan- 
tage of  the  temporary  absence  to  send  out  for- 
aging-parties  to  scour  the  country  and  bring  back 
supplies  to  his  famishing  soldiers.  In  this  he  was 
so  successful  that  on  one  occasion  no  less  than  two 
thousand  head  of  cattle — the  Peruvian  sheep — 
were  swept  away  from  the  Indian  plantations  and 
brought  safely  to  Cuzco.^"    This  placed  the  army 

"  Ondepardo,  Rel.  Prim,  y  Sep.,  MS. 

" "  Reooximos  hasta  dos  mil  cavezas  de  ganado."     Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


1536J        THE   INCA   RAISES   THE   SIEGE        291 

above  all  apprehensions  on  the  score  of  want  for 
the  present. 

Yet  these  forays  were  made  with  the  point  of 
the  lance,  and  many  a  desperate  contest  ensued, 
in  which  the  best  blood  of  the  Spanish  chivalry 
was  shed.  The  contests,  indeed,  were  not  confined 
to  large  bodies  of  troops,  but  skirmishes  took  place 
between  smaller  parties,  which  sometimes  took  the 
form  of  personal  combats.  Nor  were  the  parties 
so  unequally  matched  as  might  have  been  sup- 
posed in  these  single  rencontres ;  and  the  Peruvian 
warrior,  with  his  sling,  his  bow,  and  his  lasso, 
proved  no  contemptible  antagonist  for  the  mailed 
horseman,  whom  he  sometimes  even  ventured  to 
encounter,  hand  to  hand,  with  his  formidable 
battle-axe.  The  ground  around  Cuzco  became  a 
battle-field,  like  the  vega  of  Granada,  in  which 
Christian  and  Pagan  displayed  the  characteristics 
of  their  peculiar  warfare;  and  many  a  deed  of 
heroism  was  performed,  which  wanted  only  the 
song  of  the  minstrel  to  shed  around  it  a  glory  like 
that  which  rested  on  the  last  days  of  the  Moslem 
of  Spain.^« 

But  Hernando  Pizarro  was  not  content  to  act 
wholly  on  the  defensive ;  and  he  meditated  a  bold 
stroke  by  which  at  once  to  put  an  end  to  the  war. 

*"  Pedro  Pizarro  recounts  several  of  these  deeds  of  arms,  in  some 
of  which  his  own  prowess  is  made  quite  apparent.  One  piece  of 
cruelty  recorded  by  him  is  little  to  the  credit  of  his  commander, 
Hernando  Pizarro,  who,  he  says,  after  a  desperate  rencontre,  caused 
the  right  hands  of  his  prisoners  to  be  struck  ofT,  and  sent  them  in 
this  mutilated  condition  back  to  their  countrjTnen.  (Descub.  y  Conq., 
MS.)  Such  atrocities  are  not  often  noticed  by  the  chroniclers;  and 
we  may  hope  they  were  exceptions  to  the  general  policy  of  the  Con- 
querors in  this  invasion. 


292  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

This  was  the  capture  of  the  Inca  Manco,  whom 
he  hoped  to  surprise  in  his  quarters  at  Tambo. 

For  this  service  he  selected  about  eighty  of  his 
best-mounted  cavah-y,  with  a  small  body  of  foot, 
and,  making  a  large  detour  through  the  less  fre- 
quented mountain-defiles,  he  arrived  before  Tambo 
without  alarm  to  the  enemy.  He  found  the  place 
more  strongly  fortified  than  he  had  imagined. 
The  palace,  or  rather  fortress,  of  the  Incas  stood 
on  a  lofty  eminence,  the  steep  sides  of  which,  on 
the  quarter  where  the  Spaniards  approached,  were 
cut  into  terraces,  defended  by  strong  walls  of 
stone  and  sunburnt  brick.^^  The  place  was  im- 
pregnable on  this  side.  On  the  opposite,  it  looked 
towards  the  Yucay,  and  the  ground  descended  by 
a  gradual  declivity  towards  the  plain  through 
which  rolled  its  deep  but  narrow  current.^^  This 
was  the  quarter  on  which  to  make  the  assault. 

Crossing  the  stream  without  much  difficulty, 
the  Spanish  commander  advanced  up  the  smooth 
glacis  with  as  little  noise  as  possible.  The  morn- 
ing light  had  hardly  broken  on  the  mountains ;  and 
Pizarro,  as  he  drew  near  the  outer  defences,  which, 
as  in  the  fortress  of  Cuzco,  consisted  of  a  stone 
parapet  of  great  strength  drawn  round  the  en- 
closure, moved  quickly  forward,  confident  that 
the  garrison  were  still  buried  in  sleep.  But  thou- 
sands of  eyes  were  upon  him;  and  as  the  Span- 
iards came  within  bow-shot,  a  multitude  of  dark 

"  "  Tambo  tan  fortalescido  que  hera  cosa  de  grima,  porquel  assiento 
donde  Tambo  esta  es  muy  fuerte,  de  andenes  muy  altos  y  de  muy 
gran  canterias  fortalescidos."     Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

"  "  El  rio  de  yuoay  ques  grande  por  aquella  parte  va  muy  angosto 
y  hondo."    Ibid!,  MS. 


1536]    ATTEMPT  TO  CAPTURE  THE  INCA     293 

forms  suddenly  rose  above  the  rampart,  while  the 
Inca,  with  his  lance  in  land,  was  seen  on  horseback 
in  the  enclosure,  directing  the  operations  of  his 
troops.'"  At  the  same  moment  the  air  was  dark- 
ened with  innumerable  missiles,  stones,  javelins, 
and  arrows,  which  fell  like  a  hurricane  on  the 
troops,  and  the  mountains  rang  to  the  wild  war- 
whoop  of  the  enemy.  The  Spaniards,  taken  by 
surprise,  and  many  of  them  sorely  wounded,  were 
staggered;  and,  though  they  quickly  rallied,  and 
made  two  attempts  to  renew  the  assault,  they  were 
at  length  obliged  to  fall  back,  unable  to  endure  the 
violence  of  the  storm.  To  add  to  their  confusion, 
the  lower  level  in  their  rear  was  flooded  by  the 
waters,  which  the  natives,  by  opening  the  sluices, 
had  diverted  from  the  bed  of  the  river,  so  that  their 
position  was  no  longer  tenable.'^^  A  council  of 
war  was  then  held,  and  it  was  decided  to  abandon 
the  attack  as  desperate,  and  to  retreat  in  as  good 
order  as  possible. 

The  day  had  been  consumed  in  these  ineffectual 
operations;  and  Hernando,  under  cover  of  the 
friendly  darkness,  sent  forward  his  infantry  and 
baggage,  taking  command  of  the  centre  himself, 
and  trusting  the  rear  to  his  brother  Gonzalo. 
The  river  was  happily  re-crossed  without  acci- 
dent, although  the  Indians,  now  confident  in 
their  strength,  rushed  out  of  their  defences  and 

" "  Pareoia  el  Inga  si  caballo  entre  su  gente,  con  su  lan^a  en  la 
mano."     Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  7. 

"  "  Pues  hechos  dos  6  tres  acometimientos  A  tomar  este  pueblo  tan- 
tas  vezes  nos  hizieron  bolver  dando  de  manos.  Ansi  estuvimos  todo 
este  dia  hasta  puesta  de  sol ;  los  indios  sin  entendello  nos  hechavan  el 
rrio  en  el  lino  donde  estavamos,  y  aguardar  mas  perescieramos  aqui 
todos."     Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


294  PEDRO    PIZARRO 

followed  up  the  retreating  Spaniards,  whom  they 
annoyed  with  repeated  discharges  of  arrows. 
More  than  once  they  pressed  so  closely  on  the 
fugitives  that  Gonzalo  and  his  chivalry  were  com- 
pelled to  turn  and  make  one  of  those  desperate 
charges  that  effectually  punished  their  audacity 
and  stayed  the  tide  of  pursuit.  Yet  the  victorious 
foe  still  hung  on  the  rear  of  the  discomfited  cava- 
liers, till  they  had  emerged  from  the  mountain- 
passes  and  come  within  sight  of  the  blackened 
walls  of  the  capital.  It  was  the  last  triumph  of 
the  Inca.^° 


Among  the  manuscripts  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  the  liberality 
of  that  illustrious  Spanish  scholar  the  lamented  Navarrete,  the  most 
remarkable,  in  connection  with  this  history,  is  the  work  of  Pedro 
Pizarro;  Relaciones  del  Descubrimiento  y  Conquista  de  los  Beynos 
del  Peru.  But  a  single  copy  of  this  important  document  appears  to 
have  been  preserved,  the  existence  of  which  was  but  little  known  till 
it  came  into  the  hands  of  Senor  de  Navarrete;  though  it  did  not 
escape  the  indefatigable  researches  of  Herrera,  as  is  evident  from 
the  mention  of  several  incidents,  some  of  them  having  personal  rela- 
tion to  Pedro  Pizarro  himself,  which  the  historian  of  the  Indies  could 
have  derived  through  no  other  channel.  The  manuscript  has  lately 
been  given  to  the  public  as  part  of  the  inestimable  collection  of  his- 
torical documents  now  in  process  of  publication  at  Madrid,  under 
auspices  which,  we  may  trust,  will  insure  its  success.  As  the  printed 
work  did  not  reach  me  till  my  present  labors  were  far  advanced,  I 
have  preferred  to  rely  on  the  manuscript  copy  for  the  brief  remain- 
der of  my  narrative,  as  I  had  been  compelled  to  do  for  the  previous 
portion  of  it. 

Nothing,  that  I  am  aware  of,  is  known  respecting  the  author  but 
what  is  to  be  gleaned  from  incidental  notices  of  himself  in  his  own 
history.  He  was  Iwrn  at  Toledo  in  Estremadura,  the  fruitful 
province  of  adventurers  to  the  New  World,  whence  the  family  of 
Francisco  Pizarro,  to  which  Pedro  was  allied,  also  emigrated.  When 
that  chief  came  over  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Per»i,  after  re- 
ceiving his  commission  from  the  emperor  in  1529,  Pedro  Pizarro, 
then  only  fifteen  years  of  age,  accompanied  him  in  quality  of  page. 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  7. 


PEDRO    PIZARRO  295 

For  three  years  he  remained  attached  to  the  household  of  his  com- 
mander, and  afterwards  continued  to  follow  his  banner  as  a  soldier 
of  fortune.  He  was  present  at  most  of  the  memorable  events  of  the 
Conquest,  and  seems  to  have  possessed  in  a  great  degree  the  confi- 
dence of  his  leader,  who  employed  him  on  some  difficult  missions,  in 
which  he  displayed  coolness  and  gallantry.  It  is  true,  we  must  take 
the  author's  own  word  for  all  this.  But  he  tells  his  exploits  with 
an  air  of  honesty  and  without  any  extraordinary  effort  to  set  them 
off  in  undue  relief.  He  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third  person,  and, 
as  his  manuscript  was  not  intended  solely  for  posterity,  he  would 
hardly  have  ventured  on  great  misrepresentation,  where  fraud  could 
so  easily  have  been  exposed. 

After  the  Conquest,  our  author  still  remained  attached  to  the  for- 
tunes of  his  conunander,  and  stood  by  him  through  all  the  troubles 
which  ensued;  and  on  the  assassination  of  that  chief  he  withdrew  to 
Arequipa  to  enjoy  in  quiet  the  repartimiento  of  lands  and  Indians 
which  had  been  bestowed  on  him  as  the  recompense  of  his  services. 
He  was  there  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  great  rebellion  under  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro.  But  he  was  true  to  his  allegiance,  and  chose  rather,  as 
he  tells  us,  to  be  false  to  his  name  and  his  lineage  than  to  his  loyalty. 
Gonzalo,  in  retaliation,  seized  his  estates,  and  would  have  proceeded 
to  still  further  extremities  against  him,  when  Pedro  Pizarro  had 
fallen  into  his  hands  at  Lima,  but  for  the  interposition  of  his  lieu- 
tenant, the  famous  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  to  whom  the  chronicler 
had  once  the  good  fortune  to  render  an  important  service.  This  Car- 
bajal requited  by  sparing  his  life  on  two  occasions, — but  on  the 
second  coolly  remarked,  "No  man  has  a  right  to  a  brace  of  lives; 
and  if  you  fall  into  my  hands  a  third  time,  God  only  can  grant  you 
another."  Happily,  Pizarro  did  not  find  occasion  to  put  this  menace 
to  the  test.  After  the  pacification  of  the  country,  he  again  retired  to 
Arequipa;  but,  from  the  querulous  tone  of  his  remarks,  it  would 
seem  he  was  not  fully  reinstated  in  the  possessions  he  had  sacrificed 
by  his  loyal  devotion  to  the  government.  The  last  we  hear  of  him  is 
in  1571,  the  date  which  he  assigns  as  that  of  the  completion  of  his 
history. 

Pedro  Pizarro's  narrative  covers  the  whole  ground  of  the  Conquest, 
from  the  date  of  the  first  expedition  that  sallied  out  from  Panamd  to 
the  troubles  that  ensued  on  the  departure  of  President  Gasca.  The 
first  part  of  the  work  was  gathered  from  the  testimony  of  others, 
and,  of  course,  cannot  claim  the  distinction  of  rising  to  the  highest 
class  of  evidence.  But  all  that  follows  the  return  of  Francisco 
Pizarro  from  Castile,  all,  in  short,  which  constitutes  the  conquest  of 
the  country,  may  be  said  to  be  reported  on  his  own  observation  as  an 
eye-witness  and  an  actor.  This  gives  to  his  narrative  a  value  to  which 
it  could  have  no  pretensions  on  the  score  of  its  literary  execution. 
Pizarro  was  a  soldier,  with  as  little  education,  probably,  as  usually 
falls  to  those  who  have  been  trained  from  youth  in  this  rough  school. 


296  MONTESINOS 

— the  most  unpropitious  in  the  world  to  both  mental  and  moral 
progress.  He  had  the  good  sense,  moreover,  not  to  aspire  to  an 
excellence  which  he  could  not  reach.  There  is  no  ambition  of  fine 
writing  in  his  chronicle;  there  are  none  of  those  affectations  of  orna- 
ment which  only  make  more  glaring  the  beggarly  condition  of  him 
who  assumes  them.  His  object  was  simply  to  tell  the  story  of  the 
Conquest,  as  he  had  seen  it.  He  was  to  deal  with  facts,  not  with 
words,  which  he  wisely  left  to  those  who  came  into  the  field  after  the 
laborers  had  quitted  it,  to  garner  up  what  they  could  at  second  hand. 

Pizarro's  situation  may  be  thought  to  have  necessarily  exposed  him 
to  party  influences  and  thus  given  an  undue  bias  to  his  narrative.  It 
is  not  difficult,  indeed,  to  determine  under  whose  banner  he  had  en- 
listed. He  writes  like  a  partisan,  and  yet  like  an  honest  one,  who  is 
no  further  warped  from  a  correct  judgment  of  passing  affairs  than 
must  necessarily  come  from  preconceived  opinions.  There  is  no 
management  to  work  a  conviction  in  his  reader  on  this  side  or  the 
other,  still  less  any  obvious  perversion  of  fact.  He  evidently  believes 
what  he  says,  and  this  is  the  great  point  to  be  desired.  We  can 
make  allowance  for  the  natural  influences  of  his  position.  Were  he 
more  impartial  than  this,  the  critic  of  the  present  day,  by  making 
allowance  for  a  greater  amount  of  prejudice  and  partiality,  might 
only  be  led  into  error. 

Pizarro  is  not  only  independent,  but  occasionally  caustic  in  his 
condemnation  of  those  under  whom  he  acted.  This  is  particularly 
the  case  where  their  measures  bear  too  unfavorably  on  his  own  in- 
terests, or  those  of  the  army.  As  to  the  unfortunate  natives,  he  no 
more  regards  their  sufferings  than  the  Jews  of  old  did  those  of  the 
Philistines,  whom  they  considered  as  delivered  up  to  their  swords, 
and  whose  lands  they  regarded  as  their  lawful  heritage.  There  is 
no  mercy  shown  by  the  hard  Conqueror  in  his  treatment  of  the 
infidel. 

Pizarro  was  the  representative  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Yet 
it  is  too  much  to  cast  such  obloquy  on  the  age.  He  represented  more 
truly  the  spirit  of  the  fierce  warriors  who  overturned  the  dynasty  of 
the  Incas.  He  was  not  merely  a  crusader,  fighting  to  extend  the  em- 
pire of  the  Cross  over  the  darkened  heathen.  Gold  was  his  great 
object, — the  estimate  by  which  he  judged  of  the  value  of  the  Con- 
quest, the  recompense  that  he  asked  for  a  life  of  toil  and  danger. 
It  was  with  these  golden  visions,  far  more  than  with  visions  of  glory, 
above  all,  of  celestial  glory,  that  the  Peruvian  adventurer  fed  his 
gross  and  worldly  imagination.  Pizarro  did  not  rise  above  his  caste. 
Neither  did  he  rise  above  it  in  a  mental  view,  any  more  than  in  a 
moral.  His  history  displays  no  great  penetration,  or  vigor  and  com- 
prehension of  thought.  It  is  the  work  of  a  soldier,  telling  simply  his 
tale  of  blood.  Its  value  is  that  it  is  told  by  him  who  acted  it.  And 
this,  to  the  modern  compiler,  renders  it  of  higher  worth  than  far 
abler  productions  at  second  hand.     It  is  the  rude  ore,  which,  sub- 


MONTESINOS  297 

mitted  to  the  regular  process  of  purification  and  refinement,  may 
receive  the  current  stamp  that  fits  it  for  general  circulation. 

Another  authority,  to  whom  I  have  occasionally  referred,  and 
whose  writings  still  slumber  in  manuscript,  is  the  Licentiate  Her- 
nando Montesinos.  He  is  in  every  respect  the  opposite  of  the  mili- 
tary chronicler  who  has  just  come  under  our  notice.  He  flourished 
about  a  century  after  the  Conquest.  Of  course  the  value  of  his 
writings  as  an  authority  for  historical  facts  must  depend  on  his 
superior  opportunities  for  consulting  original  documents.  For  this 
his  advantages  were  great.  He  was  twice  sent  in  an  official  capacity 
to  Peru,  which  required  him  to  visit  the  diflFerent  parts  of  the 
country.  These  two  missions  occupied  fifteen  years;  so  that,  while 
his  position  gave  him  access  to  the  colonial  archives  and  literary 
repositories,  he  was  enabled  to  verify  his  researches,  to  some  extent, 
by  actual  observation  of  the  country. 

The  result  was  his  two  historical  works,  Memorias  antiguas  histori- 
ales  del  Peru,  and  his  Annates,  sometimes  cited  in  these  pages.  The 
former  is  taken  up  with  the  early  history  of  the  country, — very  early, 
it  must  be  admitted,  since  it  goes  back  to  the  deluge.  The  first  part 
of  this  treatise  is  chiefly  occupied  with  an  argument  to  show  the  iden- 
tity of  Peru  with  the  golden  Ophir  of  Solomon's  time!  This  hypoth- 
esis, by  no  means  original  with  the  author,  may  give  no  unfair  notion 
of  the  character  of  his  mind.  In  the  progress  of  his  work  he  follows 
down  the  line  of  Inca  princes,  whose  exploits,  and  names  even,  by  no 
means  coincide  with  Garcilasso's  catalogue, — a  circumstance,  however, 
far  from  establishing  their  inaccuracy.  But  one  will  have  little  doubt 
that  the  writer  merits  this  reproach,  after  reading  the  absurd  legends 
told  in  a  grave  tone  of  reliance  by  Montesinos,  who  shared  largely  in 
the  credulity  and  the  love  of  the  marvellous  which  belong  to  an 
earlier  and  less  enlightened  age. 

These  same  traits  are  visible  in  his  Annals,  which  are  devoted  ex- 
clusively to  the  Conquest.  Here,  indeed,  the  author,  after  his  cloudy 
flight,  has  descended  on  firm  ground,  where  gross  violations  of  truth, 
or  at  least  of  probability,  are  not  to  be  expected.  But  any  one  who 
has  occasion  to  compare  his  narrative  with  that  of  contemporarj- 
writers  will  find  frequent  cause  to  distrust  it.  Yet  Montesinos  has 
one  merit.  In  his  extensive  researches,  he  became  acquainted  with 
original  instruments,  which  he  has  occasionally  transferred  to  his 
own  pages,  and  which  it  would  now  be  difficult  to  meet  with  else- 
where. 

His  writings  have  been  commended  by  some  of  his  learned  coun- 
trymen, as  showing  diligent  research  and  information.  My  own 
experience  would  not  assign  them  a  high  rank  as  historical  vouchers. 
They  seem  to  me  entitled  to  little  praise,  either  for  the  accuracy  of 
their  statements  or  the  sagacity  of  their  reflections.  The  spirit  of 
cold  indifference  which  they  manifest  to  the  sufl^erings  of  the  natives 
is  an  odious  feature,  for  which  there  is  less  apologj-  in  a  writer  of  the 


298  CONQUEST    OF    PERU 

seventeenth  century  than  in  one  of  the  primitive  Conquerors,  whose 
passions  had  been  inflamed  by  long-protracted  hostility.  M.  Ter- 
naux-Compans  has  translated  the  Memorias  antiguas  with  his  usual 
elegance  and  precision,  for  his  collection  of  original  documents  re- 
lating to  the  New  World,  He  speaks  in  the  Preface  of  doing  the 
same  kind  office  to  the  Annales  at  a  future  time.  I  am  not  aware 
that  he  has  done  this;  and  I  cannot  but  think  that  the  excellent 
translator  may  find  a  better  subject  for  his  labors  in  some  of  the 
rich  collection  of  the  Munoz  manuscripts  in  his  possession. 


BOOK  IV 

CIVIL    WAES    OF    THE    CONQUERORS 


CHAPTER   I 

ALMAGRO'S  MARCH  TO  CHILI — SUFFERINGS  OF  THE 

TROOPS HE     RETURNS     AND     SEIZES     CUZCO 

ACTION    OF   ABANCAY GASPAR   DE   ESPINOSA 

ALMAGRO    LEAVES    CUZCO NEGOTIATIONS    WITH 

PIZARRO 

1535-1537 

WHILE  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding 
chapter  were  passing,  the  Marshal  Alma- 
gro  was  engaged  in  his  memorable  expedition  to 
Chili.  He  had  set  out,  as  we  have  seen,  with  only 
part  of  his  forces,  leaving  his  lieutenant  to  follow 
him  with  the  remainder.  During  the  first  part  of 
the  way  he  profited  by  the  great  military  road  of 
the  Incas,  which  stretched  across  the  table-land  far 
towards  the  south.  But  as  he  drew  near  to  Chili 
the  Spanish  commander  became  entangled  in  the 
defiles  of  the  mountains,  where  no  vestige  of  a 
road  was  to  be  discerned.  Here  his  progress  was 
impeded  by  all  the  obstacles  which  belong  to  the 
wild  scenery  of  the  Cordilleras :  deep  and  ragged 
ravines,  round  whose  sides  a  slender  sheep-path 
wound  up  to  a  dizzy  height  over  the  precipices 
below;  rivers  rushing  in  fury  down  the  slopes  of 
the  mountains  and  throwing  themselves  in  stu- 
pendous cataracts  into  the  yawning  abyss;  dark 
forests  of  pine  that  seemed  to  have  no  end,  and 
then  again  long  reaches  of  desolate  table-land, 

801 


302      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

without  so  much  as  bush  or  shrub  to  shelter  the 
shivering  traveller  from  the  blast  that  swept  down 
from  the  frozen  summits  of  the  sierra. 

The  cold  was  so  intense  that  many  lost  the  nails 
of  their  fingers,  their  fingers  themselves,  and  some- 
times their  limbs.  Others  were  bhnded  by  the 
dazzling  waste  of  snow,  reflecting  the  rays  of  a 
sun  made  intolerably  brilliant  in  the  thin  atmos- 
phere of  these  elevated  regions.  Hunger  came,  as 
usual,  in  the  train  of  woes;  for  in  these  dismal 
solitudes  no  vegetation  that  would  suffice  for  the 
food  of  man  was  visible,  and  no  living  thing,  ex- 
cept only  the  great  bird  of  the  Andes  hovering 
over  their  heads  in  expectation  of  his  banquet. 
This  was  too  frequently  aff'orded  by  the  number 
of  wretched  Indians  who,  unable,  from  the  scanti- 
ness of  their  clothing,  to  encounter  the  severity  of 
the  climate,  perished  by  the  way.  Such  was  the 
pressure  of  hunger  that  the  miserable  survivors 
fed  on  the  dead  bodies  of  their  countrymen,  and 
the  Spaniards  forced  a  similar  sustenance  from 
the  carcasses  of  their  horses,  literally  frozen  to 
death  in  the  mountain-passes.^  Such  were  the 
terrible  penalties  which  Nature  imposed  on  those 
who  rashly  intruded  on  these  her  solitary  and  most 
savage  haunts. 

Yet  their  own  suff'erings  do  not  seem  to  have 
touched  the  hearts  of  the  Spaniards  with  any  feel- 
ing of  compassion  for  the  weaker  natives.  Their 
path  was  everywhere  marked  by  burnt  and  deso- 
lated hamlets,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were  com- 

*  Herrera,  His.  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  10,  cap.  1-3. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  4.— Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


1535]         ALMAGRO'S   MARCH   TO   CHILI         303 

pelled  to  do  them  service  as  beasts  of  burden. 
They  were  chained  together  in  gangs  of  ten  or 
twelve,  and  no  infirmity  or  feebleness  of  body 
excused  the  unfortunate  captive  from  his  full 
share  of  the  common  toil,  till  he  sometimes 
dropped  dead,  in  his  very  chains,  from  mere 
exhaustion !  ^  Alvarado's  company  are  accused 
of  having  been  more  cruel  than  Pizarro's;  and 
many  of  Almagro's  men,  it  may  be  remembered, 
were  recruited  from  that  source.  The  commander 
looked  with  displeasure,  it  is  said,  on  these  enor- 
mities, and  did  what  he  could  to  repress  them. 
Yet  he  did  not  set  a  good  example  in  his  own 
conduct,  if  it  be  true  that  he  caused  no  less  than 
thirty  Indian  chiefs  to  be  burnt  alive  for  the 
massacre  of  three  of  his  followers !  ^  The  heart 
sickens  at  the  recital  of  such  atrocities  perpe- 


*Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — The  writer  must  have  made  one  on 
this  expedition,  as  he  speaks  from  personal  observation.  The  poor 
natives  had  at  least  one  friend  in  the  Christian  camp.  "  I  si  en  el 
Real  havia  algun  Espanol  que  era  buen  rancheador  i  cruel  i  matava 
muchos  Indios  tenianle  por  buen  hombre  i  en  grand  reputacion  i  el 
que  era  inclinado  &  hacer  bien  i  d  hacer  buenos  tratamientos  a  los 
naturales  i  los  favorecia  no  era  tenido  en  tan  buena  estima,  he  apun- 
tado  esto  que  vi  con  mis  ojos  i  en  que  por  mis  pecados  anduve  porque 
entiendan  los  que  esto  leyeren  que  de  la  manera  que  aqui  digo  i  con 
mayores  crueldades  harto  se  hizo  esta  Jornada  i  descubrimiento  de 
Chile." 

'"I  para  castigarlos  por  la  muerte  destos  tres  Espanoles  juntolos 
en  un  aposento  donde  estava  aposentado  i  mand6  cavalgar  la  jente  de 
cavallo  i  la  de  apie  que  guardasen  las  puertas  i  todos  estuviesen  aper- 
cividos  i  los  prendio  i  en  conclusion  hizo  quemar  mas  de  30  seiiores 
vivos  atados  cada  uno  A  su  palo."  (Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.) 
Oviedo,  who  always  shows  the  hard  feeling  of  the  colonist,  excuses 
this  on  the  old  plea  of  necessity, — fue  necesario  este  castigo, — and 
adds  that  after  this  a  Spaniard  might  send  a  messenger  from  one 
end  of  the  country  to  the  other,  without  fear  of  injury.  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  4. 


304      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

trated  on  an  unoffending  people,  or,  at  least, 
guilty  of  no  other  crime  than  that  of  defending 
their  own  soil  too  well. 

There  is  something  in  the  possession  of  superior 
strength  most  dangerous,  in  a  moral  view,  to  its 
possessor.  Brought  in  contact  with  semi-civilized 
man,  the  European,  with  his  endowments  and 
effective  force  so  immeasurably  superior,  holds 
him  as  little  higher  than  the  brute,  and  as  born 
equally  for  his  service.  He  feels  that  he  has  a 
natural  right,  as  it  were,  to  his  obedience,  and  that 
this  obedience  is  to  be  measured,  not  by  the  powers 
of  the  barbarian,  but  by  the  will  of  his  conqueror. 
Resistance  becomes  a  crime  to  be  washed  out  only 
in  the  blood  of  the  victim.  The  tale  of  such  atro- 
cities is  not  confined  to  the  Spaniard.  Wherever 
the  civilized  man  and  the  savage  have  come  in  con- 
tact, in  the  East  or  in  the  West,  the  story  has  been 
too  often  written  in  blood. 

From  the  wild  chaos  of  mountain-scenery  the 
Spaniards  emerged  on  the  green  vale  of  Co- 
quimbo,  about  the  thirtieth  degree  of  south  lati- 
tude. Here  they  halted,  to  refresh  themselves  in 
its  abundant  plains,  after  their  unexampled  suf- 
ferings and  fatigues.  Meanwhile  Almagro  de- 
spatched an  officer  with  a  strong  party  in  advance, 
to  ascertain  the  character  of  the  country  towards 
the  south.  Not  long  after,  he  was  cheered  by  the 
arrival  of  the  remainder  of  his  forces  under  his 
lieutenant  Rodrigo  de  Orgonez.  This  was  a  re- 
markable person,  intimately  connected  with  the 
subsequent  fortunes  of  Almagro. 

He  was  a  native  of  Oropesa,  had  been  trained 


1535]         ALMAGRO'S   MARCH   TO   CHILI         305 

in  the  Italian  wars,  and  held  the  rank  of  ensign  in 
the  army  of  the  Constable  of  Bourbon  at  the 
famous  sack  of  Rome.  It  was  a  good  school  in 
which  to  learn  his  iron  trade  and  to  steel  the  heart 
against  any  too  ready  sensibility  to  human  suffer- 
ing. Orgonez  was  an  excellent  soldier, — true  to 
his  commander,  prompt,  fearless,  and  unflinching 
in  the  execution  of  his  orders.  His  services  at- 
tracted the  notice  of  the  crown,  and  shortly  after 
this  period  he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  Marshal 
of  New  Toledo.  Yet  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
his  character  did  not  qualify  him  for  an  executive 
and  subordinate  station,  rather  than  for  one  of 
higher  responsibility. 

Almagro  received  also  the  royal  warrant  con- 
ferring on  him  his  new  powers  and  territorial 
jurisdiction.  The  instrument  had  been  detained 
by  the  Pizarros  to  the  very  last  moment.  His 
troops,  long  since  disgusted  with  their  toilsome 
and  unprofitable  march,  were  now  clamorous  to 
return.  Cuzco,  they  said,  undoubtedly  fell  within 
the  limits  of  his  government,  and  it  was  better  to 
take  possession  of  its  comfortable  quarters  than 
to  wander  like  outcasts  in  this  dreary  wilderness. 
They  reminded  their  commander  that  thus  only 
could  he  provide  for  the  interests  of  his  son  Diego. 
This  was  an  illegitimate  son  of  Almagro,  on  whom 
his  father  doted  with  extravagant  fondness,  jus- 
tified more  than  usual  by  the  promising  character 
of  the  youth. 

After  an  absence  of  about  two  months,  the 
officer  sent  on  the  exploring  expedition  returned, 
bringing  unpromising  accounts  of  the  southern 

Vol.  II.— 20 


306     CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

regions  of  Chili.  The  only  land  of  promise  for 
the  Castilian  was  one  that  teemed  with  gold.^  He 
had  penetrated  to  the  distance  of  a  hundred 
leagues,  to  the  limits,  probably,  of  the  conquests 
of  the  Incas  on  the  river  Maule.'^  The  Spaniards 
had  fortunately  stopped  short  of  the  land  of 
Arauco,  where  the  blood  of  their  countrymen  was 
soon  after  to  be  poured  out  like  water,  and  which 
still  maintains  a  proud  independence  amidst  the 
general  humiliation  of  the  Indian  races  around  it. 
Almagro  now  yielded,  with  little  reluctance,  to 
the  renewed  importunities  of  the  soldiers,  and 
turned  his  face  towards  the  north.  It  is  unneces- 
sary to  follow  his  march  in  detail.  Disheartened 
by  the  difficulties  of  the  mountain-passage,  he 
took  the  road  along  the  coast,  which  led  him 
across  the  great  desert  of  Atacama.  In  crossing 
this  dreary  waste,  which  stretches  for  nearly  a  hun- 
dred leagues  to  the  northern  borders  of  Chili,  with 
hardly  a  green  spot  in  its  expanse  to  relieve  the 
fainting  traveller,  Almagro  and  his  men  experi- 
enced as  great  sufferings,  though  not  of  the  same 
kind,  as  those  which  they  had  encountered  in  the 
passes  of  the  Cordilleras.  Indeed,  the  captain 
would  not  easily  be  found  at  this  day  who  would 
venture  to  lead  his  army  across  this  dreary  region. 
But  the  Spaniard  of  the  sixteenth  century  had  a 

*  It  is  the  language  of  a  Spaniard :  "  i  como  no  le  parecio  bien  la 
tierra  por  no  ser  quajada  do  oro."    Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 

°  According  to  Oviedo,  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  and  very  near, 
as  they  told  him,  to  the  end  of  the  world:  cerea  del  fin  del  miindo. 
(Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  0,  cap.  5.)  One  must  not  ex- 
pect to  meet  with  very  accurate  notions  of  geography  in  the  nide 
soldiers  of  America. 


1*37]     HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES  CUZCO       307 

strength  of  limb  and  a  buoyancy  of  spirit  which 
raised  him  to  a  contempt  of  obstacles  almost  justi- 
fying the  boast  of  the  historian  that  "  he  con- 
tended indifferently  at  the  same  time  with  man, 
with  the  elements,  and  with  famine  I  "  " 

After  traversing  the  terrible  desert,  Almagro 
reached  the  ancient  town  of  Arequipa,  about  sixty 
leagues  from  Cuzco.  Here  he  learned  with  aston- 
ishment the  insurrection  of  the  Peruvians,  and, 
further,  that  the  young  Inca  Manco  still  lay  with 
a  formidable  force  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
capital.  He  had  once  been  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  Peruvian  prince,  and  he  now  resolved,  before 
proceeding  farther,  to  send  an  embassy  to  his 
camp  and  arrange  an  interview  with  him  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Cuzco. 

Almagro's  emissaries  were  well  received  by  the 
Inca,  who  alleged  his  grounds  of  complaint 
against  the  Pizarros,  and  named  the  vale  of 
Yucay  as  the  place  where  he  would  confer  with 
the  marshal.  The  Spanish  commander  accord- 
ingly resumed  his  march,  and,  taking  one-half 
of  his  force,  whose  whole  number  fell  somewhat 
short  of  five  hundred  men,  he  repaired  in  person 
to  the  place  of  rendezvous;  while  the  remainder 
of  his  army  established  their  quarters  at  Urcos, 
about  six  leagues  from  the  capital.^ 

The  Spaniards  in  Cuzco,  startled  by  the  appear- 
ance of  this  fresh  body  of  troops  in  their  neigh- 
borhood, doubted,  when  they  learned  the  quarter 

°  "  Peleando  en  iin  tiempo  con  los  Enemigos,  con  los  Elementos,  i 
con  la  Hambre."    Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  5,  lib.  10,  cap.  2. 

'  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 
— Oviedo,  His.  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  7. 


308      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

whence  they  came,  whether  it  betided  them  good 
or  evil.  Hernando  Pizarro  marched  out  of  the 
city  with  a  small  force,  and,  drawing  near  to 
Urcos,  heard  with  no  little  uneasiness  of  Alma- 
gro's  purpose  to  insist  on  his  pretensions  to  Cuzco. 
Though  much  inferior  in  strength  to  his  rival,  he 
determined  to  resist  him. 

Meanwhile,  the  Peruvians,  who  had  witnessed 
the  conference  between  the  soldiers  of  the  oppo- 
site camps,  suspected  some  secret  understanding 
between  the  parties,  which  would  compromise  the 
safety  of  the  Inca.  They  communicated  their  dis- 
trust to  Manco,  and  the  latter,  adopting  the  same 
sentiments,  or  perhaps  from  the  first  meditating 
a  surprise  of  the  Spaniards,  suddenly  fell  upon  the 
latter  in  the  valley  of  Yucay  with  a  body  of  fifteen 
thousand  men.  But  the  veterans  of  Chili  were  too 
familiar  with  Indian  tactics  to  be  taken  by  surprise ; 
and,  though  a  sharp  engagement  ensued,  which 
lasted  more  than  an  hour,  in  which  Orgonez  had 
a  horse  killed  under  him,  the  natives  were  finally 
driven  back  with  great  slaughter,  and  the  Inca  was 
so  far  crippled  by  the  blow  that  he  was  not  likely 
for  the  present  to  give  further  molestation.^ 

Almagro,  now  joining  the  division  left  at  Ur- 
cos, saw  no  further  impediment  to  his  operations 
on  Cuzco.  He  sent  at  once  an  embassy  to  the 
municipality  of  the  place,  requiring  the  recogni- 
tion of  him  as  its  lawful  governor,  and  presenting 
at  the  same  time  a  copy  of  his  credentials  from 
the  crown.    But  the  question  of  jurisdiction  was 

'  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. — Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Pirn,  MS., 
Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  21. 


1537]     HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES  CUZCO       309 

not  one  easy  to  be  settled,  depending  as  it  did  on 
a  knowledge  of  the  true  parallels  of  latitude,  not 
very  likely  to  be  possessed  by  the  rude  followers 
of  Pizarro.  The  royal  grant  had  placed  under 
his  jurisdiction  all  the  country  extending  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy  leagues  south  of  the  river  of 
Santiago,  situated  one  degree  and  twenty  minutes 
north  of  the  equator.  Two  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues  on  the  meridian,  by  our  measurement, 
would  fall  more  than  a  degree  short  of  Cuzco,  and, 
indeed,  would  barely  include  the  city  of  Lima 
itself.  But  the  Spanish  leagues,  of  only  seventeen 
and  a  half  to  a  degree,®  would  remove  the  southern 
boundary  to  nearly  half  a  degree  beyond  the  capi- 
tal of  the  Incas,  which  would  thus  fall  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  Pizarro.^"  Yet  the  division-line 
ran  so  close  to  the  disputed  ground  that  the  true 
result  might  reasonably  be  doubted,  where  no  care- 
ful scientific  observations  had  been  made  to  obtain 
it ;  and  each  party  was  prompt  to  assert,  as  always 
happens  in  such  cases,  that  its  own  claim  was  clear 
and  unquestionable.^^ 

•  "  Contando  diez  i  siete  leguas  i  media  por  grado."  Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  5. 

"•  The  government  had  endeavored  early  to  provide  against  any 
dispute  in  regard  to  the  limits  of  the  respective  jurisdictions.  The 
language  of  the  original  grants  gave  room  to  some  misunderstanding; 
and,  as  early  as  1536,  Fray  Jomds  de  Berlanga,  Bishop  of  Tierra 
Firme,  had  been  sent  to  Lima  with  full  powers  to  determine  the  ques- 
tion of  boundary,  by  fixing  the  latitude  of  the  river  of  Santiago  and 
measuring  two  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  south  on  the  meridian. 
But  Pizarro,  having  engaged  Almagro  in  his  Chili  expedition,  did  not 
care  to  revive  the  question,  and  the  bishop  returned,  re  infectd,  to 
his  diocese,  with  strong  feelings  of  disgust  towards  the  governor. 
Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  1. 

"  "  All  say,"  says  Oviedo,  in  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  "  that  Curco 
falls  within  the  territory  of  .^Vlmagro."     Oviedo  was,  probably,  the 


310      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

Thus  summoned  by  Almagro,  the  authorities  of 
Cuzco,  unwilling  to  give  umbrage  to  either  of  the 
contending  chiefs,  decided  that  they  must  wait 
until  they  could  take  counsel — which  they  prom- 
ised to  do  at  once — with  certain  pilots  better  in- 
structed than  themselves  in  the  position  of  the 
Santiago.  Meanwhile,  a  truce  was  arranged  be- 
tween the  parties,  both  solemnly  engaging  to 
abstain  from  hostile  measures  and  to  remain  quiet 
in  their  present  quarters. 

The  weather  now  set  in  cold  and  rainy.  Alma- 
gro's  soldiers,  greatly  discontented  with  their  posi- 
tion, flooded  as  it  was  by  the  waters,  were  quick 
to  discover  that  Hernando  Pizarro  was  busily 
employed  in  strengthening  himself  in  the  city, 
contrary  to  agreement.  They  also  learned  with 
dismay  that  a  large  body  of  men,  sent  by  the 
governor  from  Lima,  under  command  of  Alonso 
de  Alvarado,  was  on  the  march  to  relieve  Cuzco. 
They  exclaimed  that  they  were  betrayed,  and  that 
the  truce  had  been  only  an  artifice  to  secure  their 
inactivity  until  the  arrival  of  the  expected  succors. 
In  this  state  of  excitement,  it  was  not  very  diffi- 
cult to  persuade  their  commander — too  ready  to 
surrender  his  own  judgment  to  the  rash  advisers 
around  him — to  violate  the  treaty  and  take  pos- 
session of  the  capital.^  ^ 

Under  cover  of  a  dark  and  stormy  night  ( April 

best-informed  man  in  the  colonies.     Yet  this  was  an  error.     Carta 
desde  Sto.  Domingo,  MS.,  25  de  Oct.  1539. 

"  According  to  Zarate,  Almagro,  on  entering  the  capital,  found  no 
appearance  of  the  designs  imputed  to  Hernando,  and  exclaimed  that 
"he  had  been  deceived."  (Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.)  He  was 
probably  easy  of  faith  in  the  matter. 


1^37]     HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES  CUZCO       311 

8th,  1537),  he  entered  the  place  without  opposi- 
tion, made  himself  master  of  the  principal  church, 
established  strong  parties  of  cavalry  at  the  head 
of  the  great  avenues  to  prevent  surprise,  and  de- 
tached Orgoiiez  with  a  body  of  infantry  to  force 
the  dwelling  of  Hernando  Pizarro.  That  captain 
was  lodged  with  his  brother  Gonzalo  in  one  of  the 
large  halls  built  by  the  Incas  for  public  diversions, 
with  immense  doors  of  entrance  that  opened  on  the 
plaza.  It  was  garrisoned  by  about  twenty  soldiers, 
who,  as  the  gates  were  burst  open,  stood  stoutly 
to  the  defence  of  their  leader.  A  smart  struggle 
ensued,  in  which  some  lives  were  lost,  till  at  length 
Orgonez,  provoked  by  the  obstinate  resistance,  set 
fire  to  the  combustible  roof  of  the  building.  It 
was  speedily  in  flames,  and  the  burning  rafters 
falling  on  the  heads  of  the  inmates,  they  forced 
their  reluctant  leader  to  an  unconditional  surren- 
der. Scarcely  had  the  Spaniards  left  the  build- 
ing, when  the  whole  roof  fell  in  with  a  tremendous 
crash.  ^^ 

Almagro  was  now  master  of  Cuzco.  He  ordered 
the  Pizarros,  with  fifteen  or  twenty  of  the  prin- 
cipal cavaliers,  to  be  secured  and  placed  in  con- 
finement. Except  so  far  as  required  for  securing 
his  authority,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  guilty 
of  acts  of  violence  to  the  inhabitants,^*  and  he 

"Carta  de  Espinall,  Tesorero  de  N.  Toledo,  15  de  Junio,  1539. — 
Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  21. 

"So  it  would  appear  from  the  general  testimony;  yet  Pedro 
Pizarro,  one  of  the  opposite  faction,  and  among  those  imprisoned  by 
Almagro,  complains  that  that  chief  plundered  them  of  their  horses 
and  other  property.    Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


312      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

installed  one  of  Pizarro's  most  able  officers,  Ga- 
briel de  Rojas,  in  the  government  of  the  city.  The 
municipality,  whose  eyes  were  now  open  to  the 
validity  of  Almagro's  pretensions,  made  no 
further  scruple  to  recognize  his  title  to  Cuzco. 

The  marshal's  first  step  was  to  send  a  message 
to  Alonso  de  Alvarado's  camp,  advising  that  offi- 
cer of  his  occupation  of  the  city,  and  requiring 
his  obedience  to  him,  as  its  legitimate  master. 
Alvarado  was  lying,  with  a  body  of  five  hundred 
men,  horse  and  foot,  at  Xauxa,  about  thirteen 
leagues  from  the  capital.  He  had  been  detached 
several  months  previously  for  the  relief  of  Cuzco, 
but  had,  most  unaccountably,  and,  as  it  proved, 
most  unfortunately  for  the  Peruvian  capital,  re- 
mained at  Xauxa,  with  the  alleged  motive  of  pro- 
tecting that  settlement  and  the  surrounding  coun- 
try against  the  insurgents.^"  He  now  showed 
himself  loyal  to  his  commander;  and  when  Al- 
magro's ambassadors  reached  his  camp  he  put 
them  in  irons,  and  sent  advice  of  what  had  been 
done  to  the  governor  at  Lima. 

Almagro,  offended  by  the  detention  of  his  emis- 
saries, prepared  at  once  to  march  against  Alonso 
de  Alvarado  and  take  more  effectual  measures  to 
bring  him  to  submission.  His  lieutenant,  Orgonez, 
strongly  urged  him  before  his  departure  to  strike 

"  Pizarro's  secretary  Picado  had  an  encomienda  in  that  neighbor- 
hood, and  Alvarado,  who  was  under  personal  obligations  to  him,  re- 
mained there,  it  is  said,  at  his  instigation.  (Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  7.)  Alvarado  was  a  good  officer,  and  largely 
trusted,  both  before  and  after,  by  the  Pizarros;  and  we  may  presume 
there  was  some  explanation  of  his  conduct,  of  which  we  are  not  pos- 
sessed. 


1*37]  ACTION    OF    ABANCAY  813 

off  the  heads  of  the  Pizarros,  alleging  "  that,  while 
they  lived,  his  commander's  life  would  never  be 
safe,"  and  concluding  with  the  Spanish  proverb, 
"  Dead  men  never  bite."  ^^  But  the  marshal, 
though  he  detested  Hernando  in  his  heart,  shrank 
from  so  violent  a  measure ;  and,  independently  of 
other  considerations,  he  had  still  an  attachment 
for  his  old  associate,  Francisco  Pizarro,  and  was 
unwilling  to  sever  the  ties  between  them  forever. 
Contenting  himself,  therefore,  with  placing  his 
prisoners  under  strong  guard  in  one  of  the  stone 
buildings  belonging  to  the  House  of  the  Sun,  he 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  forces  and  left  the 
capital  in  quest  of  Alvarado. 

That  officer  had  now  taken  up  a  position  on  the 
farther  side  of  the  Rio  de  Abancay,  where  he  lay, 
with  the  bulk  of  his  little  army,  in  front  of  a 
bridge,  by  which  its  rapid  waters  are  traversed, 
while  a  strong  detachment  occupied  a  spot  com- 
manding a  ford  lower  down  the  river.  But  in  this 
detachment  was  a  cavalier  of  much  consideration 
in  the  army,  Pedro  de  Lerma,  who,  from  some 
pique  against  his  commander,  had  entered  into 
treasonable  correspondence  with  the  opposite 
party.  By  his  advice,  Almagro,  on  reaching 
the  border  of  the  river,  established  himself 
against  the  bridge  in  face  of  Alvarado,  as  if 
prepared  to  force  a  passage,  thus  concentrating 
his  adversary's  attention  on  that  point.  But  when 
darkness  had  set  in  he  detached  a  large  body  under 
Orgonez  to  pass  the  ford  and  operate  in  concert 
with  Lerma.     Orgonez  executed  this  commission 

"  "  El  muerto  no  mordia."    Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap.  8. 


314      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

with  his  usual  promptness.  The  ford  was  crossed, 
though  the  current  ran  so  swiftly  that  several  of 
his  men  were  swept  away  by  it  and  perished  in 
the  waters.  Their  leader  received  a  severe  wound 
himself  in  the  mouth,  as  he  was  gaining  the  oppo- 
site bank,  but,  nothing  daunted,  he  cheered  on  his 
men  and  fell  with  fury  on  the  enemy.  He  was 
speedily  joined  by  Lerma  and  such  of  the  soldiers 
as  he  had  gained  over,  and,  unable  to  distinguish 
friend  from  foe,  the  enemy's  confusion  was  com- 
plete. 

Meanwhile,  Alvarado,  roused  by  the  noise  of 
the  attack  on  this  quarter,  hastened  to  the  support 
of  his  officer,  when  Almagro,  seizing  the  occasion, 
pushed  across  the  bridge,  dispersed  the  small  body 
left  to  defend  it,  and,  falling  on  Alvarado's  rear, 
that  general  saw  himself  hemmed  in  on  all  sides. 
The  struggle  did  not  last  long;  and  the  unfortu- 
nate chief,  uncertain  on  whom  he  could  rely,  sur- 
rendered with  all  his  force, — those  only  excepted 
who  had  already  deserted  to  the  enemy.  Such  was 
the  battle  of  Abancay,  as  it  was  called,  from  the 
river  on  whose  banks  it  was  fought,  on  the  twelfth 
of  July,  1537.  Never  was  a  victory  more  com- 
plete or  achieved  with  less  cost  of  life;  and  Al- 
magro marched  back,  with  an  array  of  prisoners 
scarcely  inferior  to  his  own  army  in  number,  in 
triumph  to  Cuzco.^^ 

While  the  events  related  in  the  preceding  pages 
were  passing,  Francisco  Pizarro  had  remained  at 

"  Carta  de  Francisco  Pizarro  al  Obispo  de  Tierra  Firme,  MS.,  28  de 
Agosto,  1,539. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi  supra. — Conq,  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — Carta 
de  Espinall,  MS. 


i^3T]  PIZARRO    AIDED    BY    CORTIilS  316 

Lima,  anxiously  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  rein- 
forcements which  he  had  requested,  to  enable  him 
to  march  to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  capital 
of  the  Incas.  His  appeal  had  not  been  unan- 
swered. Among  the  rest  was  a  corps  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  led  by  the  Licentiate 
Caspar  de  Espinosa,  one  of  the  three  original 
associates,  it  may  be  remembered,  who  engaged 
in  the  conquest  of  Peru.  He  had  now  left  his 
own  residence  at  Panama,  and  came  in  person,  for 
the  first  time,  it  would  seem,  to  revive  the  droop- 
ing fortunes  of  his  confederates.  Pizarro  re- 
ceived also  a  vessel  laden  with  provisions,  military 
stores,  and  other  necessary  supplies,  besides  a  rich 
wardrobe  for  himself,  from  Cortes,  the  Conqueror 
of  Mexico,  who  generously  stretched  forth  his 
hand  to  aid  his  kinsman  in  the  hour  of  need.^^ 

With  a  force  amounting  to  four  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  half  of  them  cavalry,  the  governor 
quitted  Lima  and  began  his  march  on  the  Inca 
capital.  He  had  not  advanced  far  when  he  re- 
ceived tidings  of  the  return  of  Almagro,  the 
seizure  of  Cuzco,  and  the  imprisonment  of  his 
brothers ;  and  before  he  had  time  to  recover  from 
this  astounding  intelligence  he  learned  the  total 
defeat  and  capture  of  Alvarado.  Filled  with  con- 
sternation at  these  rapid  successes  of  his  rival,  he 
now  returned  in  all  haste  to  Lima,  which  he  put 
in  the  best  posture  of  defence,  to  secure  it  against 
the  hostile  movements  not  unlikely,  as  he  thought, 

""Fernando  Cortes  embi6  con  Rodrisro  de  Grijalva  en  vn  proprio 
Navio  siiio,  desde  la  Nueva  Espafia,  miichas  Armas,  Tiros,  Jaeces, 
Adere<;'os,  Vestidos  de  Seda,  i  rna  Ropa  de  Martas."  Gomara,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  cap.  136. 


316      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

to  be  directed  against  that  capital  itself.  Mean- 
while, far  from  indulging  in  impotent  sallies  of 
resentment,  or  in  complaints  of  his  ancient  com- 
rade, he  only  lamented  that  Almagro  should  have 
resorted  to  these  violent  measures  for  the  settle- 
ment of  their  dispute,  and  this  less — if  we  may 
take  his  word  for  it — from  personal  considerations 
than  from  the  prejudice  it  might  do  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  crown.* ^ 

But,  while  busily  occupied  with  warlike  prepa- 
rations, he  did  not  omit  to  try  the  effect  of  nego- 
tiation. He  sent  an  embassy  to  Cuzco,  consisting 
of  several  persons  in  whose  discretion  he  placed 
the  greatest  confidence,  with  Espinosa  at  their 
head,  as  the  party  most  interested  in  an  amicable 
arrangement. 

The  licentiate,  on  his  arrival,  did  not  find  Al- 
magro in  as  favorable  a  mood  for  an  accommo- 
dation as  he  could  have  wished.  Elated  by  his 
recent  successes,  he  now  aspired  not  only  to  the 
possession  of  Cuzco,  but  of  Lima  itself,  as  falling 
within  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Espinosa  urged  the  propriety,  by  every  argu- 
ment which  prudence  could  suggest,  of  moder- 
ating his  demands.  His  claims  upon  Cuzco,  at 
least,  were  not  to  be  shaken,  and  he  declared  him- 
self ready  to  peril  his  life  in  maintaining  them. 
The  licentiate  coolly  replied  by  quoting  the  pithy 
Castilian  proverb,  El  vencido  vencido,  y  el  ven- 
cidor  per  dido:  "  The  vanquished  vanquished,  and 
the  victor  undone." 

What  influence  the  temperate  arguments  of  the 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 


i*37J  CASPAR    DE    ESPINOSA  317 

licentiate  might  eventually  have  had  on  the  heated 
imagination  of  the  soldier  is  doubtful;  but,  un- 
fortunately for  the  negotiation,  it  was  abruptly 
terminated  by  the  death  of  Espinosa  himself, 
which  took  place  most  unexpectedly,  though, 
strange  to  say,  in  those  times,  without  the  impu- 
tation of  poison.^''  He  was  a  great  loss  to  the 
parties  in  the  existing  fermentation  of  their 
minds;  for  he  had  the  weight  of  character  which 
belongs  to  wise  and  moderate  counsels,  and  a 
deeper  interest  than  any  other  man  in  recom- 
mending them. 

The  name  of  Espinosa  is  memorable  in  history 
from  his  early  connection  with  the  expedition  to 
Peru,  which,  but  for  the  seasonable  though  secret 
application  of  his  funds,  could  not  then  have  been 
compassed.  He  had  long  been  a  resident  in  the 
Spanish  colonies  of  Tierra  Firme  and  Panama, 
where  he  had  served  in  various  capacities,  some- 
times as  a  legal  functionary  presiding  in  the 
courts  of  justice,"^  and  not  unfrequently  as  an 
efficient  leader  in  the  early  expeditions  of  con- 
quest and  discovery.  In  these  manifold  vocations 
he  acquired  a  high  reputation  for  probity,  intel- 
ligence, and  courage,  and  his  death  at  the  present 
crisis  was  undoubtedly  the  most  unfortunate  event 
that  could  have  befallen  the  country. 

*•  Carta  de  Pizarro  al  Obispo  de  Tierra  Firme,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist. 
general,  dec.  G,  lib.  2,  cap.  13. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

''  He  incurred  some  odium  as  presiding  officer  in  the  trial  and  con- 
demnation of  the  unfortunate  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa.  But  it  must 
be  allowed  that  he  made  great  efforts  to  resist  the  tyrannical  proceed- 
ings of  Pcdr.Tias,  and  he  earnestly  recommended  the  prisoner  to 
mercy.    See  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  21,  22. 


318      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

All  attempt  at  negotiation  was  now  abandoned ; 
and  Almagro  announced  his  purpose  to  descend 
to  the  sea-coast,  where  he  could  plant  a  colony  and 
establish  a  port  for  himself.  This  would  secure 
him  the  means,  so  essential,  of  communicating 
with  the  mother-country,  and  here  he  would  re- 
sume negotiations  for  the  settlement  of  his  dis- 
pute with  Pizarro.  Before  quitting  Cuzco,  he 
sent  Orgonez  with  a  strong  force  against  the 
Inca,  not  caring  to  leave  the  capital  exposed  in 
his  absence  to  further  annoyance  from  that 
quarter. 

But  the  Inca,  discouraged  by  his  late  discom- 
fiture, and  unable,  perhaps,  to  rally  in  sufficient 
strength  for  resistance,  abandoned  his  stronghold 
at  Tambo  and  retreated  across  the  mountains.  He 
was  hotly  pursued  by  Orgonez  over  hill  and  val- 
ley, till,  deserted  by  his  followers,  and  with  only 
one  of  his  wives  to  bear  him  company,  the  royal 
fugitive  took  shelter  in  the  remote  fastnesses  of 
the  Andes.^^ 

Before  leaving  the  capital,  Orgonez  again 
urged  his  commander  to  strike  off  the  heads 
of  the  Pizarros  and  then  march  at  once  upon 
Lima.  By  this  decisive  step  he  would  bring  the 
war  to  an  issue,  and  forever  secure  himself  from 
the  insidious  machinations  of  his  enemies.  But 
in  the  mean  time  a  new  friend  had  risen  up  to 
the  captive  brothers.  This  was  Diego  de  Alva- 
rado,  brother  of  that  Pedro  who,  as  mentioned  in 
a  preceding  chapter,  had  conducted  the  unfortu- 
nate expedition   to  Quito.     After  his   brother's 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


1537]  ALMAGRO    LEAVES    CUZCO  319 

departure,  Diego  had  attached  himself  to  the  for- 
tunes of  Ahnagro,  had  accompanied  him  to  Chili, 
and,  as  he  was  a  cavalier  of  birth,  and  possessed 
of  some  truly  noble  qualities,  he  had  gained  de- 
served ascendency  over  his  commander.  Alvarado 
had  frequently  visited  Hernando  Pizarro  in  his 
confinement,  where,  to  beguile  the  tediousness  of 
captivity,  he  amused  himself  with  gaming, — the 
passion  of  the  Spaniard.  They  played  deep,  and 
Alvarado  lost  the  enormous  sum  of  eighty  thou- 
sand gold  castellanos.  He  was  prompt  in  pay- 
ing the  debt,  but  Hernando  Pizarro  peremptorily 
declined  to  receive  the  money.  By  this  politic  gen- 
erosity he  secured  an  important  advocate  in  the 
council  of  Almagro.  It  stood  him  now  in  good 
stead.  Alvarado  represented  to  the  marshal  that 
such  a  measure  as  that  urged  by  Orgonez  would 
not  only  outrage  the  feelings  of  his  followers,  but 
would  ruin  his  fortunes  by  the  indignation  it  must 
excite  at  court.  When  Almagro  acquiesced  in 
these  views,  as  in  truth  most  grateful  to  his  own 
nature,  Orgonez,  chagrined  at  his  determination, 
declared  that  the  day  would  come  when  he  would 
repent  this  mistaken  lenity.  *'  A  Pizarro,"  he 
said,  "was  never  known  to  forget  an  injury; 
and  that  which  they  had  already  received  from 
Almagro  was  too  deep  for  them  to  forgive." 
Prophetic  words ! 

On  leaving  Cuzco,  the  marshal  gave  orders  that 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  the  other  prisoners  should 
be  detained  in  strict  custody.  Hernando  he  took 
with  him,  closely  guarded,  on  his  march.  Descend- 
ing rapidly  towards  the  coast,  he  reached  the  pleas- 


320      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

ant  vale  of  Chincha  in  the  latter  part  of  August. 
Here  he  occupied  himself  with  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  a  town  bearing  his  own  name,  which  might 
serve  as  a  counterpart  to  the  City  of  the  Kings, 
— thus  bidding  defiance,  as  it  were,  to  his  rival  on 
his  own  borders.  While  occupied  in  this  manner, 
he  received  the  unwelcome  tidings  that  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  and  the  other  pris- 
oners, having  tampered  with  their  guards,  had 
effected  their  escape  from  Cuzco,  and  he  soon 
after  heard  of  their  safe  arrival  in  the  camp  of 
Pizarro. 

Chafed  by  this  intelligence,  the  marshal  was 
not  soothed  by  the  insinuations  of  Orgonez,  that  it 
was  owing  to  his  ill-advised  lenity;  and  it  might 
have  gone  hard  with  Hernando,  but  that  Alma- 
gro's  attention  was  diverted  by  the  negotiation 
which  Francisco  Pizarro  now  proposed  to  resume. 

After  some  correspondence  between  the  parties, 
it  was  agreed  to  submit  the  arbitration  of  the  dis- 
pute to  a  single  individual,  Fray  Francisco  de 
Bovadilla,  a  Brother  of  the  Order  of  Mercy. 
Though  living  in  Lima,  and,  as  might  be  sup- 
posed, under  the  influence  of  Pizarro,  he  had  a 
reputation  for  integrity  that  disposed  Almagro 
to  confide  the  settlement  of  the  question  exclu- 
sively to  him.  In  this  implicit  confidence  in  the 
friar's  impartiality,  Orgoiiez,  of  a  less  sanguine 
temper  than  his  chief,  did  not  participate.'^ 

"Carta  de  Gutierrez  al  Emperador,  MS.,  10  de  Feb.  1539.— Carta 
de  Espinall,  MS. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  ulii  supra. — Her- 
rera,  Hi.st.  general,  dec.  fi,  lib.  2,  cap.  ft-14. — Pedro  Pizarro,  De.scub. 
y  Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  8. — Naharro,  Re- 
lacion  siimaria,  MS. 


1537J        NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   PIZARRO        321 

An  interview  was  arranged  between  the  rival 
chiefs.  It  took  place  at  Mala,  November  13th, 
1537;  but  very  different  was  the  deportment  of 
the  two  commanders  towards  each  other  from 
that  which  they  had  exhibited  at  their  former 
meetings.  Almagro,  indeed,  doffing  his  bonnet, 
advanced  in  his  usual  open  manner  to  salute  his 
ancient  comrade;  but  Pizarro,  hardly  condescend- 
ing to  return  the  salute,  haughtily  demanded  why 
the  marshal  had  seized  upon  his  city  of  Cuzco  and 
imprisoned  his  brothers.  This  led  to  a  recrimina- 
tion on  the  part  of  his  associate.  The  discussion 
assumed  the  tone  of  an  angry  altercation,  till  Al- 
magro, taking  a  hint — or  what  he  conceived  to  be 
such — from  an  attendant,  that  some  treachery 
was  intended,  abruptly  quitted  the  apartment, 
mounted  his  horse,  and  galloped  back  to  his 
quarters  at  Chincha.^^  The  conference  closed, 
as  might  have  been  anticipated  from  the  heated 
temper  of  their  minds  when  they  began  it,  by 
widening  the  breach  it  was  intended  to  heal.  The 
friar,  now  left  wholly  to  himself,  after  some  de- 

"  It  was  said  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  lay  in  ambush  with  a  strong 
force  in  the  neighborhood  to  intercept  the  marshal,  and  that  the  lat- 
ter was  warned  of  his  danger  by  an  honorable  cavalier  of  the  opposite 
party,  who  repeated  a  distich  of  an  old  ballad, 

"  Tiempo  es  el  Caballero 
Tiempo  es  de  andar  de  aqui." 

(Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.)  Pedro  Pizarro  admits 
the  truth  of  the  design  imputed  to  Gonzalo,  which  he  was  prevented 
from  putting  into  execution  by  the  commands  of  the  governor,  who, 
the  chronicler,  with  edifying  simplicity,  or  assurance,  informs  us, 
was  a  man  that  scrupulously  kept  his  word:  "  Porque  el  marquez  don 
Francisco  Pizarro  hera  hombre  que  guardava  mucho  su  palabra." 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 
Vol.  II.— 21 


322      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

liberation,  gave  his  award.  He  decided  that  a 
vessel,  with  a  skilful  pilot  on  board,  should  be 
sent  to  determine  the  exact  latitude  of  the  river 
of  Santiago,  the  northern  boundary  of  Pizarro's 
territory,  by  which  all  the  measurements  were  to 
be  regulated.  In  the  mean  time,  Cuzco  was  to  be 
delivered  up  by  Almagro,  and  Hernando  Pizarro 
to  be  set  at  liberty,  on  condition  of  his  leaving  the 
country  in  six  weeks  for  Spain.  Both  parties  were 
to  retire  within  their  undisputed  territories,  and  to 
abandon  all  further  hostilities."^ 

This  award,  as  may  be  supposed,  highly  satis- 
factory to  Pizarro,  was  received  by  Almagro's 
men  with  indignation  and  scorn.  They  had  been 
sold,  they  cried,  by  their  general,  broken,  as  he 
was,  by  age  and  infirmities.  Their  enemies  were 
to  occupy  Cuzco  and  its  pleasant  places,  while  they 
were  to  be  turned  over  to  the  barren  wilderness  of 
Charcas.  Little  did  they  dream  that  under  this 
poor  exterior  were  hidden  the  rich  treasures  of 
Potosi.  They  denounced  the  umpire  as  a  hireling 
of  the  governor,  and  murmurs  were  heard  among 
the  troops,  stimulated  by  Orgonez,  demanding  the 
head  of  Hernando.  Never  was  that  cavalier  in 
greater  danger.  But  his  good  genius  in  the  form 
of  Alvarado  again  interposed  to  protect  him.  His 
life  in  captivity  was  a  succession  of  reprieves.^^ 

"Pedro  Pizarro,  Dcscub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

*•  Espinall,  Almagro's  treasurer,  denounces  the  friar  "  as  proving 
himself  a  very  devil"  by  this  award.  (Carta  al  Emperador,  MS.) 
And  Oviedo,  a  more  dispassionate  judge,  quotes,  without  condemning, 
a  cavalier  who  told  the  father  that  "a  .sentence  so  unjust  had  not 
been  pronounced  since  the  time  of  Pontius  Pilate"!  Hi.st,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  21. 


1*37]        NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   PIZARRO        323 

Yet  his  brother,  the  governor,  was  not  disposed 
to  abandon  him  to  his  fate.  On  the  contrary,  he 
was  now  prepared  to  make  every  concession  to 
secure  his  freedom.  Concessions,  that  pohtic  chief 
well  knew,  cost  little  to  those  who  are  not  con- 
cerned to  abide  by  them.  After  some  preliminary 
negotiation,  another  award,  more  equitable,  or,  at 
all  events,  more  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  discon- 
tented party,  was  given.  The  principal  articles  of 
it  were,  that,  until  the  arrival  of  some  definite  in- 
structions on  the  point  from  Castile,  the  city  of 
Cuzco,  with  its  territory,  should  remain  in  the 
hands  of  Almagro;  and  that  Hernando  Pizarro 
should  be  set  at  liberty,  on  the  condition,  above 
stipulated,  of  leaving  the  country  in  six  weeks. 
When  the  terms  of  this  agreement  were  commu- 
nicated to  Orgonez,  that  officer  intimated  his 
opinion  of  them  by  passing  his  finger  across  his 
throat,  and  exclaiming,  "  What  has  my  fidelity  to 
my  commander  cost  me !  "  ^^ 

Almagro,  in  order  to  do  greater  honor  to  his 
prisoner,  visited  him  in  person  and  announced  to 
him  that  he  was  from  that  moment  free.  He  ex- 
pressed a  hope,  at  the  same  time,  that  *'  all  past 
differences  would  be  buried  in  oblivion,  and  that 
henceforth  they  should  live  only  in  the  recollection 
of  their  ancient  friendship."  Hernando  replied, 
with  apparent  cordiality,  that  "  he  desired  nothing 
better  for  himself."  He  then  swore  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  and  pledged  his  knightly  honor, 

" "  I  tomando  la  barba  con  la  mano  izquierda,  con  la  derecha 
hi(;o  senal  de  cortarse  la  cabe^a,  diciendo:  Orgonez,  Orgonez,  por  el 
amistad  de  Don  Diego  de  Almagro  te  ban  de  cortar  esta."  Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 


324      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

— the  latter,  perhaps,  a  pledge  of  quite  as  much 
weight  in  his  own  mind  as  the  former, — that  he 
would  faithfully  comply  with  the  terms  stipulated 
in  the  treaty.  He  was  next  conducted  by  the 
marshal  to  his  quarters,  where  he  partook  of  a 
collation  in  company  with  the  principal  officers; 
several  of  whom,  together  with  Diego  Almagro, 
the  general's  son,  afterwards  escorted  the  cavalier 
to  his  brother's  camp,  which  had  been  transferred 
to  the  neighboring  town  of  Mala.  Here  the  party 
received  a  most  cordial  greeting  from  the  gov- 
ernor, who  entertained  them  with  a  courtly  hospi- 
tality, and  lavished  many  attentions,  in  particular, 
on  the  son  of  his  ancient  associate.  In  short,  such, 
on  their  return,  was  the  account  of  their  reception, 
that  it  left  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  Almagro  that 
all  was  at  length  amicably  settled.^® — He  did  not 
know  Pizarro. 

**  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. — Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 
y  Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 


CHAPTER   II 

FIRST  CIVIL  WAR — ALMAGRO  RETREATS  TO  CUZCO 
—  BATTLE  OF  LAS  SALINAS  —  CRUELTY  OF  THE 
CONQUERORS  —  TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION  OF  AL- 
MAGRO  HIS  CHARACTER 

1537-1538 

SCARCELY  had  Almagro's  officers  left  the 
governor's  quarters,  when  the  latter,  calling 
his  little  army  together,  briefly  recapitulated  the 
many  wrongs  which  had  been  done  him  by  his 
rival,  the  seizure  of  his  capital,  the  imprisonment 
of  his  brothers,  the  assault  and  defeat  of  his 
troops;  and  he  concluded  with  the  declaration — 
heartily  echoed  back  by  his  military  audience — 
that  the  time  had  now  come  for  revenge.  All  the 
while  that  the  negotiations  were  pending,  Pizarro 
had  been  busily  occupied  with  military  prepara- 
tions. He  had  mustered  a  force  considerably 
larger  than  that  of  his  rival,  drawn  from  various 
quarters,  but  most  of  them  familiar  with  service. 
He  now  declared  that,  as  he  was  too  old  to  take 
charge  of  the  campaign  himself,  he  should  de- 
volve that  duty  on  his  brothers;  and  he  released 
Hernando  from  all  his  engagements  to  Almagro, 
as  a  measure  justified  by  necessity.  That  cava- 
lier, with  graceful  pertinacity,  intimated  his  de- 
sign to  abide  by  the  pledges  he  had  given,  but  at 
length  yielded  a  reluctant  assent  to  the  commands 

325 


326      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

of  his  brother,  as  to  a  measure  imperatively  de- 
manded by  his  duty  to  the  crown.^ 

The  governor's  next  step  was  to  advise  Aknagro 
that  the  treaty  was  at  an  end.  At  the  same  time, 
he  warned  him  to  rehnquish  his  pretensions  to 
Cuzco  and  withdraw  into  his  own  territory,  or  the 
responsibihty  of  the  consequences  would  lie  on  his 
own  head. 

After  reposing  in  his  false  security,  Almagro 
was  now  fully  awakened  to  the  consciousness  of 
the  error  he  had  committed;  and  the  warning 
voice  of  his  lieutenant  may  have  risen  to  his  recol- 
lection. The  first  part  of  the  prediction  was  ful- 
filled. And  what  should  prevent  the  latter  from 
being  so?  To  add  to  his  distress,  he  was  laboring 
at  this  time  under  a  grievous  malady,  the  result 
of  early  excesses,  which  shattered  his  constitution 
and  made  him  incapable  alike  of  mental  and  bodily 
exertion.^ 

In  this  forlorn  condition,  he  confided  the  man- 
agement of  his  affairs  to  Orgonez,  on  whose  loy- 
alty and  courage  he  knew  he  might  implicitly  rely. 
The  first  step  was  to  secure  the  passes  of  the  Guai- 
tara,  a  chain  of  hills  that  hemmed  in  the  valley  of 
Zangalla,  where  Almagro  was  at  present  estab- 
lished. But,  by  some  miscalculation,  the  passes 
were  not  secured  in  season ;  and  the  active  enemy, 
threading  the  dangerous  defiles,  effected  a  passage 

'  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  10. 

*  "  Cay6  enfermo  i  estuvo  malo  a  punto  de  muerte  de  bubas  i  dolo- 
res."  (Carta  de  Espinall,  MS.)  It  was  a  hard  penalty,  occurring  at 
this  crisis,  for  the  sins,  perhaps,  of  earlier  days;   but 

"The  f?ods  are  just,  and  of  our  pleasant  vices 
Make  instruments  to  scourge  us." 


1538]  FIRST    CIVIL    WAR  327 

across  the  sierra,  where  a  much  inferior  force  to 
his  own  might  have  taken  him  at  a  disadvantage. 
The  fortunes  of  Ahnagro  were  on  the  wane. 

His  thoughts  were  now  turned  towards  Cuzco, 
and  he  was  anxious  to  get  possession  of  this  capital 
before  the  arrival  of  the  enemy.  Too  feeble  to  sit 
on  horseback,  he  was  obliged  to  be  carried  in  a 
litter;  and  when  he  reached  the  ancient  town  of 
Bilcas,  not  far  from  Guamanga,  his  indisposition 
was  so  severe  that  he  was  compelled  to  halt  and 
remain  there  three  weeks  before  resuming  his 
march. 

The  governors  and  his  brothers,  in  the  mean 
time,  after  traversing  the  pass  of  Guaitara,  de- 
scended into  the  valley  of  lea,  where  Pizarro  re- 
mained a  considerable  while,  to  get  his  troops  into 
order  and  complete  his  preparations  for  the  cam- 
paign. Then,  taking  leave  of  the  army,  he  re- 
turned to  Lima,  committing  the  prosecution  of 
the  war,  as  he  had  before  announced,  to  his 
younger  and  more  active  brothers.  Hernando, 
soon  after  quitting  lea,  kept  along  the  coast  as 
far  as  Nasca,  proposing  to  penetrate  the  country 
by  a  circuitous  route  in  order  to  elude  the  enemy, 
who  might  have  greatly  embarrassed  him  in  some 
of  the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras.  But,  unhappily 
for  himself,  this  plan  of  operations,  ^vhich  would 
have  given  him  such  manifest  advantage,  was  not 
adopted  by  Almagro;  and  his  adversary,  without 
any  other  impediment  than  that  arising  from  the 
natural  difficulties  of  the  march,  arrived,  in  the 
latter  part  of  April,  1538,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Cuzco. 


328      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

Almagro,  however,  was  already  in  possession  of 
that  capital,  which  he  had  reached  ten  days  before. 
A  council  of  war  was  held  by  him  respecting  the 
course  to  be  pursued.  Some  were  for  making  good 
the  defence  of  the  city.  Almagro  would  have  tried 
what  could  be  done  by  negotiation.  But  Orgonez 
bluntly  replied,  "  It  is  too  late:  you  have  liberated 
Hernando  Pizarro,  and  nothing  remains  but  to 
fight  him."  The  opinion  of  Orgonez  finally  pre- 
vailed, to  march  out  and  give  the  enemy  battle  on 
the  plains.  The  marshal,  still  disabled  by  illness 
from  taking  the  command,  devolved  it  on  his 
trusty  lieutenant,  who,  mustering  his  forces,  left 
the  city,  and  took  up  a  position  at  Las  Salinas,  less 
than  a  league  distant  from  Cuzco.  The  place  re- 
ceived its  name  from  certain  pits  or  vats  in  the 
ground,  used  for  the  preparation  of  salt,  that  was 
obtained  from  a  natural  spring  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. It  was  an  injudicious  choice  of  ground, 
since  its  broken  character  was  most  unfavorable  to 
the  free  action  of  cavalry,  in  which  the  strength 
of  Almagro's  force  consisted.  But,  although  re- 
peatedly urged  by  the  officers  to  advance  into  the 
open  country,  Orgonez  persisted  in  his  position, 
as  the  most  favorable  for  defence,  since  the  front 
was  protected  by  a  marsh,  and  by  a  little  stream 
that  flowed  over  the  plain.  His  forces  amounted 
in  all  to  about  five  hundred,  more  than  half  of 
them  horse.  His  infantry  was  deficient  in  fire- 
arms, the  place  of  which  was  supplied  by  the  long 
pike.  He  had  also  six  small  cannon,  or  falconets, 
as  they  were  called,  which,  with  his  cavalry,  formed 
into  two  equal  divisions,  he  disposed  on  the  flanks 


1538]  FIRST    CIVIL    WAR  329 

of  his  infantry.  Thus  prepared,  he  calmly  awaited 
the  approach  of  the  enemy.  It  was  not  long  be- 
fore the  bright  arms  and  banners  of  the  Spaniards 
under  Hernando  Pizarro  were  seen  emerging 
from  the  mountain-passes.  The  troops  came  for- 
ward in  good  order,  and  like  men  whose  steady 
step  showed  that  they  had  been  spared  in  the 
march  and  were  now  fresh  for  action.  They  ad- 
vanced slowly  across  the  plain,  and  halted  on  the 
opposite  border  of  the  little  stream  which  covered 
the  front  of  Orgonez.  Here  Hernando,  as  the 
sun  had  set,  took  up  his  quarters  for  the  night, 
proposing  to  defer  the  engagement  till  daylight.^ 
The  rumors  of  the  approaching  battle  had 
spread  far  and  wide  over  the  country,  and  the 
mountains  and  rocky  heights  around  were 
thronged  with  multitudes  of  natives,  eager  to 
feast  their  eyes  on  a  spectacle  where,  whichever 
side  were  victorious,  the  defeat  would  fall  on 
their  enemies.*  The  Castilian  women  and  chil- 
dren, too,  with  still  deeper  anxiety,  had  thronged 
out  from  Cuzco  to  witness  the  deadly  strife  in 
which  brethren  and  kindred  were  to  contend  for 
mastery.'^  The  whole  number  of  the  combatants 
was  insignificant;  though  not  as  compared  with 
those  usually  engaged  in  these  American  wars. 
It  is  not,  however,  the  number  of  the  players,  but 
the  magnitude  of  the  stake,  that  gives  importance 

» Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS.— Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  v  Conq.,  MS. — 
Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  1-5. — Carta  de  Espinall, 
MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  10,  11. — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  36,  37. 

*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  5,  6. 

•  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


330     CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

and  interest  to  the  game ;  and  in  this  bloody  game 
they  were  to  play  for  the  possession  of  an  empire. 

The  night  passed  away  in  silence,  unbroken  by 
the  vast  assembly  which  covered  the  surrounding 
hill-tops.  Nor  did  the  soldiers  of  the  hostile 
camps,  although  keeping  watch  within  hearing 
of  one  another,  and  with  the  same  blood  flowing 
in  their  veins,  attempt  any  communication.  So 
deadly  was  the  hate  in  their  bosoms !  ^ 

The  sun  rose  bright,  as  usual  in  this  beautiful 
climate,  on  Saturday,  the  twenty-sixth  day  of 
April,  1538/  But  long  before  his  beams  were 
on  the  plain  the  trumpet  of  Hernando  Pizarro 
had  called  his  men  to  arms.  His  forces  amounted 
in  all  to  about  seven  hundred.  They  were  drawn 
from  various  quarters,  the  veterans  of  Pizarro, 
the  followers  of  Alonso  de  Alvarado, — many  of 
whom,  since  their  defeat,  had  found  their  way 
back  to  Lima, — and  the  late  reinforcement  from 
the  isles,  most  of  them  seasoned  by  many  a  toil- 
some march  in  the  Indian  campaigns,  and  many 
a  hard-fought  field.  His  mounted  troops  were 
inferior  to  those  of  Almagro;  but  this  was  more 
than  compensated  by  the  strength  of  his  infantry, 

• "  T  fue  cosa  de  notar,  que  se  estuvieron  toda  la  Noche,  sin  que 
nadie  de  la  vna  i  otra  parte  pensase  en  mover  tratos  de  Paz:  tanta 
era  la  ira  i  aborrecimicnto  de  ambas  partes."  Herrera,  Hist,  gene- 
ral, dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  fi. 

'  A  church  dedicated  to  Saint  I^azarus  was  afterwards  erected  on 
the  battle-ground,  and  the  liodies  of  those  slain  in  the  action  were 
interred  within  its  walls.  This  circumstance  leads  Garcilasso  to 
suppose  that  the  battle  took  place  on  Saturday,  the  sixth, — the  day 
after  the  Feast  of  Saint  I.azarus, — and  not  on  the  twenty-sixth  of 
April,  as  commonly  reported.  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  38. 
See  also  Monte.sinos  (Annales,  MS.,  aflo  1538), — an  indifferent 
authority  for  anything. 


1538]  FIRST    CIVIL    WAR  331 

comprehending  a  well-trained  corps  of  arque- 
busiers,  sent  from  St.  Domingo,  whose  weapons 
were  of  the  improved  construction  recently  intro- 
duced from  Flanders.  They  were  of  a  large 
calibre,  and  threw  double-headed  shot,  consisting 
of  bullets  linked  together  by  an  iron  chain.  It 
was  doubtless  a  clumsy  weapon  compared  with 
modern  fire-arms,  but,  in  hands  accustomed  to 
wield  it,  proved  a  destructive  instrument.^ 

Hernando  Pizarro  drew  up  his  men  in  the  same 
order  of  battle  as  that  presented  by  the  enemy, — 
throwing  his  infantry  into  the  centre,  and  dis- 
posing his  horse  on  the  flanks ;  one  corps  of  which 
he  placed  under  command  of  Alonso  de  Alvarado, 
and  took  charge  of  the  other  himself.  The  in- 
fantry was  headed  by  his  brother  Gonzalo,  sup- 
ported by  Pedro  de  Valdivia,  the  future  hero  of 
Arauco,  whose  disastrous  story  forms  the  burden 
of  romance  as  well  as  of  chronicle.® 

jNIass  was  said,  as  if  the  Spaniards  were  about 
to  fight  what  they  deemed  the  good  fight  of  the 
faith;  instead  of  imbruing  their  hands  in  the 
blood  of  their  countrymen.  Hernando  Pizarro 
then  made  a  brief  address  to  his  soldiers.  Pie 
touched  on  the  personal  injuries  he  and  his 
family  had  received  from  Almagro;  reminded 
liis    brother's    veterans    that    Cuzco    had    been 


"/arate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  8.— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  36. 

°  The  Araxicana  of  Krcilla  may  claim  the  merit,  indeed, — if  it  be 
a  merit, — of  combining  both  romance  and  history  in  one.  Surely 
never  did  the  Muse  venture  on  such  a  specification  of  details,  not 
merely  poetical,  lint  political,  peoprraphical,  and  statistical,  as  in  this 
celebrated  Castilian  epic.     It  is  a  military  journal  done  into  rhyme. 


332      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

wrested  from  their  possession;  called  up  the 
glow  of  shame  on  the  brows  of  Alvarado's 
men  as  he  talked  of  the  rout  of  Abancay;  and, 
pointing  out  the  Inca  metropolis  that  sparkled  in 
the  morning  sunshine,  he  told  them  that  there  was 
the  prize  of  the  victor.  They  answered  his  appeal 
with  acclamations;  and,  the  signal  being  given, 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  heading  his  battalion  of  in- 
fantry, led  it  straight  across  the  river.  The  water 
was  neither  broad  nor  deep,  and  the  soldiers  found 
no  difficulty  in  gaining  a  landing,  as  the  enemy's 
horse  was  prevented  by  the  marshy  ground  from 
approaching  the  borders.  But,  as  they  worked 
their  way  across  the  morass,  the  heavy  guns  of 
Orgonez  played  with  effect  on  the  leading  files, 
and  threw  them  into  disorder.  Gonzalo  and  Val- 
divia  threw  themselves  into  the  midst  of  their 
followers,  menacing  some,  encouraging  others, 
and  at  length  led  them  gallantly  forward  to  the 
firm  ground.  Here  the  arquebusiers,  detaching 
themselves  from  the  rest  of  the  infantry,  gained 
a  small  eminence,  whence,  in  their  turn,  they 
opened  a  galling  fire  on  Orgonez,  scattering  his 
array  of  spearmen,  and  sorely  annoying  the 
cavalry  on  the  flanks. 

Meanwhile,  Hernando,  forming  his  two  squad- 
rons of  horse  into  one  column,  crossed  under  cover 
of  this  well-sustained  fire,  and,  reaching  the  firm 
ground,  rode  at  once  against  the  enemy.  Or- 
gonez, whose  infantry  was  already  much  crippled, 
advancing  his  horse,  formed  the  two  squadrons 
into  one  body,  like  his  antagonist,  and  spurred 
at  full  gallop  against  the  assailants.     The  shock 


1538]  BATTLE    OF    LAS    SALINAS  333 

was  terrible;  and  it  was  hailed  by  the  swarms  of 
Indian  spectators  on  the  surrounding  heights  with 
a  fiendish  yell  of  triumph,  that  rose  far  above  the 
din  of  battle,  till  it  was  lost  in  distant  echoes 
among  the  mountains.*" 

The  struggle  was  desperate.  For  it  was  not 
that  of  the  white  man  against  the  defenceless 
Indian,  but  of  Spaniard  against  Spaniard;  both 
parties  cheering  on  their  comrades  with  their 
battle-cries  of  ''El  Rey  y  Almagro,''  or  ''El  Rey 
y  Pizarro" — while  they  fought  with  a  hate  to 
which  national  antipathy  was  as  nothing, — a  hate 
strong  in  proportion  to  the  strength  of  the  ties 
that  had  been  rent  asunder. 

In  this  bloody  field  well  did  Orgonez  do  his 
duty,  fighting  like  one  to  whom  battle  was  the 
natural  element.  Singling  out  a  cavalier  whom, 
from  the  color  of  the  sobre-vest  on  his  armor,  he 
erroneously  supposed  to  be  Hernando  Pizarro,  he 
charged  him  in  full  career,  and  overthrew  him  with 
his  lance.  Another  he  ran  through  in  like  manner, 
and  a  third  he  struck  do\\Ti  with  his  sword,  as  he 
was  prematurely  shouting  "  Victory!  "  But,  while 
thus  doing  the  deeds  of  a  paladin  of  romance,  he 
was  hit  by  a  chain-shot  from  an  arquebuse,  which, 
penetrating  the  bars  of  his  visor,  grazed  his  fore- 
head and  deprived  him  for  a  moment  of  reason. 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. — Pedro  Pizarro,  De- 
scub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  3,  cap.  11. — Everything  relating  to  this  battle — the  disposition  of 
the  forces,  the  character  of  the  ground,  the  mode  of  attack — is  told 
as  variously  and  confusedly  as  if  it  had  been  a  contest  between  two 
great  armies  instead  of  a  handful  of  men  on  either  side.  It  would 
seem  that  truth  is  nowhere  so  difficult  to  come  at  as  on  the  battle- 
field. 


334.      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

Before  he  had  fully  recovered,  his  horse  was  killed 
under  him,  and,  though  the  fallen  cavalier  suc- 
ceeded in  extricating  himself  from  the  stirrups, 
he  was  surrounded,  and  soon  overpowered  by 
numbers.  Still  refusing  to  deliver  up  his  sword, 
he  asked  "  if  there  was  no  knight  to  whom  he 
could  surrender."  One  Fuentes,  a  menial  of  Pi- 
zarro,  presenting  himself  as  such,  Orgonez  gave 
his  sword  into  his  hands, — and  the  dastard,  draw- 
ing his  dagger,  stabbed  his  defenceless  prisoner 
to  the  heart !  His  head,  then  struck  off,  was  stuck 
on  a  pike,  and  displayed,  a  bloody  trophy,  in  the 
great  square  of  Cuzco,  as  the  head  of  a  traitor." 
Thus  perished  as  loyal  a  cavalier,  as  decided  in 
council,  and  as  bold  in  action,  as  ever  crossed  to 
the  shores  of  America. 

The  fight  had  now  lasted  more  than  an  hour, 
and  the  fortune  of  the  day  was  turning  against 
the  followers  of  Almagro.  Orgonez  being  down, 
their  confusion  increased.  The  infantry,  unable 
to  endure  the  fire  of  the  arquebusiers,  scattered 
and  took  refuge  behind  the  stone  walls  that  here 
and  there  straggled  across  the  country.  Pedro 
de  Lerma,  vainly  striving  to  rally  the  cavalry, 
spurred  his  horse  against  Hernando  Pizarro,  with 
whom  he  had  a  personal  feud.  Pizarro  did  not 
shrink  from  the  encounter.  The  lances  of  both 
the  knights  took  effect.  That  of  Hernando 
penetrated  the  thigh  of  his  opponent,  while 
Lerma's  weapon,  glancing  by  his  adversary's 
saddle-bow,   struck  him  with   such   force   above 

"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.— Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
ubi  supra. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi  supra. 


1538J  BATTLE    OF    LAS    SALINAS  335 

the  groin  that  it  pierced  the  joints  of  his  mail, 
slightly  wounding  the  cavaher,  and  forcing  his 
horse  back  on  his  haunches.  But  the  press  of  the 
fight  soon  parted  the  combatants,  and,  in  the  tur- 
moil that  ensued,  Lerma  was  unhorsed,  and  left 
on  the  field,  covered  with  wounds/^ 

There  was  no  longer  order,  and  scarcely  resist- 
ance, among  the  followers  of  Almagro.  They 
fled,  making  the  best  of  their  way  to  Cuzco,  and 
happy  was  the  man  who  obtained  quarter  when 
he  asked  it.  Almagro  himself,  too  feeble  to  sit 
so  long  on  his  horse,  reclined  on  a  litter,  and 
from  a  neighboring  eminence  surveyed  the  battle, 
watching  its  fluctuations  with  all  the  interest  of 
one  who  felt  that  honor,  fortune,  life  itself,  hung 
on  the  issue.  With  agony  not  to  be  described, 
he  had  seen  his  faithful  followers,  after  their  hard 
struggle,  borne  down  by  their  opponents,  till,  con- 
vinced that  all  was  lost,  he  succeeded  in  mounting 
a  mule,  and  rode  off  for  a  temporary  refuge  to 
the  fortress  of  Cuzco.  Thither  he  was  speedily 
followed,  taken,  and  brought  in  triumph  to  the 
capital,  where,  ill  as  he  was,  he  was  thrown  into 
irons  and  confined  in  the  same  apartment  of  the 
stone  building  in  which  he  had  imprisoned  the 
Pizarros. 

The  action  lasted  not  quite  two  hours.  The 
number  of  killed,  variously  stated,  was  probably 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  ubi  supra.— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
2,  lib.  2,  cap.  36.— Hernando  Pizarro  wore  a  surcoat  of  orange- 
colored  velvet  over  his  armor,  according  to  Garcilasso,  and  before 
the  battle  sent  notice  of  it  to  Orgonez,  that  the  latter  might  dis- 
tinguish him  in  the  mel^e.  But  a  knight  in  Hernando's  suite  also 
wore  the  same  colors,  it  appears,  which  led  Orgonez  into  error. 


336      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

not  less  than  a  hundred  and  fifty, — one  of  the 
combatants  calls  it  two  hundred,^  ^ — a  great  num- 
ber, considering  the  shortness  of  the  time,  and  the 
small  amount  of  the  forces  engaged.  No  account 
is  given  of  the  wounded.  Wounds  were  the  por- 
tion of  the  cavalier.  Pedro  de  Lerma  is  said  to 
have  received  seventeen,  and  yet  was  taken  alive 
from  the  field!  The  loss  fell  chiefly  on  the  fol- 
lowers of  Almagro.  But  the  slaughter  was  not 
confined  to  the  heat  of  the  action.  Such  was  the 
deadly  animosity  of  the  parties  that  several  were 
murdered  in  cold  blood,  like  Orgonez,  after  they 
had  surrendered.  Pedro  de  Lerma  himself,  while 
lying  on  his  sick  couch  in  the  quarters  of  a  friend 
in  Cuzco,  was  visited  by  a  soldier,  named  Sama- 
niego,  whom  he  had  once  struck  for  an  act  of 
disobedience.  This  person  entered  the  solitary 
chamber  of  the  wounded  man,  took  his  place  by 
his  bedside,  and  then,  upbraiding  him  for  the  in- 
sult, told  him  that  he  had  come  to  wash  it  away 
in  his  blood!  Lerma  in  vain  assured  him  that, 
when  restored  to  health,  he  would  give  him  the 
satisfaction  he  desired.  The  miscreant,  exclaim- 
ing, "  Now  is  the  hour! "  plunged  his  sword  into 
his  bosom.    He  lived  several  years  to  vaunt  this 

"  "  Murieron  en  esta  Batalla  de  las  Salinas  casi  dozlentos  hombres 
de  vna  parte  y  de  otra."  (Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.) 
Most  authorities  rate  the  loss  at  less.  The  treasurer  Espinall,  a  par- 
tisan of  Almagro,  says  they  massacred  a  hundred  and  fifty  after  the 
fight,  in  cold  blood :  "  Siguieron  el  alcanze  la  mas  cruelmente  que  en 
el  mundo  se  ha  visto,  porque  matavan  a  los  hombres  rendidos  e  des- 
armados,  e  por  Ics  quitar  las  armas  los  mataban  si  presto  no  se  las 
quitaban,  e  trayendo  d  las  ancas  de  un  caballo  a  un  Ruy  Dial 
viniendo  rendido  e  desarmado  le  mataron,  i  dcsta  manera  mataron 
mas  de  ciento  b  cinquenta  hombres."    Carta,  MS. 


1538 J     CRUELTY    OF    THE    CONQUERORS      337 

atrocious  exploit,  which  he  proclaimed  as  a  repa- 
ration to  his  honor.  It  was  some  satisfaction  to 
know  that  the  insolence  of  this  vaunt  cost  him  his 
life.**  Such  anecdotes,  revolting  as  they  are,  illus- 
trate not  merely  the  spirit  of  the  times,  but  that 
peculiarly  ferocious  spirit  which  is  engendered  by 
civil  wars, — the  most  unforgiving  in  their  char- 
acter of  any  but  wars  of  religion. 

In  the  hurry  of  the  flight  of  one  party,  and  the 
pursuit  by  the  other,  all  pouring  towards  Cuzco, 
the  field  of  battle  had  been  deserted.  But  it  soon 
swarmed  with  plunderers,  as  the  Indians,  descend- 
ing like  vultures  from  the  mountains,  took  pos- 
session of  the  bloody  ground,  and,  despoiling  the 
dead,  even  to  the  minutest  article  of  dress,  left 
their  corpses  naked  on  the  plain.*  ^  It  has  been 
thought  strange  that  the  natives  should  not  have 
availed  themselves  of  their  superior  numbers  to 
fall  on  the  victors  after  they  had  been  exhausted 
by  the  battle.  But  the  scattered  bodies  of  the 
Peruvians  were  without  a  leader ;  they  were  broken 
in  spirits,  moreover,  by  recent  reverses,  and  the 
Castilians,  although  weakened  for  the  moment  by 
the  struggle,  were  in  far  greater  strength  in  Cuzco 
than  they  had  ever  been  before. 

"Carta  de  Espinall,  MS.— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2, 
cap.  39. — He  was  hanged  for  this  very  crime  by  the  governor  of 
Puerto  Viejo,  about  five  years  after  this  time,  having  outraged  the 
feelings  of  that  officer  and  the  community  by  the  insolent  and  open 
manner  in  which  he  boasted  of  his  atrocious  exploit. 

"  "  Ixis  Indios  viendo  la  Batalla  fenescida,  ellos  tambien  se  dejaron 
de  la  suia,  iendo  los  vnos  i  los  otros  a  desnudar  los  Esjianolcs  muer- 
tas,  i  aim  algunos  vivos,  que  por  sus  heridas  no  se  podian  defender, 
porque  como  pas6  el  tropel  de  la  Gente,  siguiendo  la  Victoria,  no 
huvo  quien  se  lo  impidiese;  de  manera  que  dexaron  en  cueros  k 
todos  los  caldos."  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  11. 
Vol.  II.— '22 


338      Cn  IL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

Indeed,  the  number  of  troops  now  assembled 
within  its  walls,  amounting  to  full  thirteen  hun- 
dred, composed,  as  they  were,  of  the  most  discord- 
ant materials,  gave  great  uneasiness  to  Hernando 
Pizarro.  For  there  were  enemies  glaring  on  each 
other  and  on  him  with  deadly  though  smothered 
rancor,  and  friends,  if  not  so  dangerous,  not  the 
less  troublesome  from  their  craving  and  unreason- 
able demands.  He  had  given  the  capital  up  to 
pillage,  and  his  followers  found  good  booty  in  the 
quarters  of  Almagro's  officers.  But  this  did  not 
suffice  the  more  ambitious  cavaliers;  and  they 
clamorously  urged  their  services,  and  demanded 
to  be  placed  in  charge  of  some  expedition,  nothing 
doubting  that  it  must  prove  a  golden  one.  All 
were  in  quest  of  an  El  Dorado.  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro acquiesced  as  far  as  possible  in  these  desires, 
most  willing  to  relieve  himself  of  such  importu- 
nate creditors.  The  expeditions,  it  is  true,  usually 
ended  in  disaster;  but  the  country  was  explored 
by  them.  It  was  the  lottery  of  adventure;  the 
prizes  were  few,  but  they  were  splendid;  and,  in 
the  excitement  of  the  game,  few  Spaniards  paused 
to  calculate  the  chances  of  success. 

Among  those  who  left  the  capital  was  Diego, 
the  son  of  Almagro.  Hernando  was  mindful  to 
send  him,  with  a  careful  escort,  to  his  brother  the 
governor,  desirous  to  remove  him  at  this  crisis 
from  the  neighborhood  of  his  father.  jNIeanwhile, 
the  marshal  himself  was  pining  away  in  prison 
under  the  combined  influence  of  bodily  illness  and 
distress  of  mind.  Before  the  battle  of  Salinas,  it 
had  been  told  to  Hernando  Pizarro  that  Almagro 


1538]         IMPRISONMENT    OF    ALMAGRO         339 

was  like  to  die.  "  Heaven  forbid,"  he  exclaimed, 
"  that  this  should  come  to  pass  before  he  falls  into 
my  hands  1  "  ^®  Yet  the  gods  seemed  now  disposed 
to  grant  but  half  of  this  pious  prayer,  since  his 
captive  seemed  about  to  escape  him  just  as  he  had 
come  into  his  power.  To  console  the  unfortunate 
chief,  Hernando  paid  him  a  visit  in  his  prison,  and 
cheered  him  with  the  assurance  that  he  only  waited 
for  the  governor's  arrival  to  set  him  at  liberty; 
adding  "  that  if  Pizarro  did  not  come  soon  to  the 
capital  he  himself  would  assume  the  responsibility 
of  releasing  him,  and  would  furnish  him  with  a 
conveyance  to  his  brother's  quarters."  At  the 
same  time,  with  considerate  attention  to  his  com- 
fort, he  inquired  of  the  marshal  "  what  mode  of 
conveyance  would  be  best  suited  to  his  state  of 
health."  After  this  he  continued  to  send  him 
delicacies  from  his  own  table  to  revive  his  faded 
appetite.  Almagro,  cheered  by  these  kind  atten- 
tions and  by  the  speedy  prospect  of  freedom, 
gradually  mended  in  health  and  spirits.^  ^ 

He  little  dreamed  that  all  this  while  a  process 
was  industriously  preparing  against  him.  It  had 
been  instituted  immediately  on  his  capture,  and 
every  one,  however  humble,  who  had  any  cause 
of  complaint  against  the  unfortunate  prisoner, 
was  invited  to  present  it.  The  summons  was 
readily  answered;  and  many  an  enemy  now  ap- 
peared in  the  hour  of  his  fallen  fortunes,  like 

""Respondia  Hernando  Pizarro,  que  no  le  haria  Diostan  gran  mal, 
que  le  dexase  morir,  sin  que  le  huviese  d  las  manos."  Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. 


340      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

the  base  reptiles  crawling  into  light  amidst  the 
ruins  of  some  noble  edifice;  and  more  than  one 
who  had  received  benefits  from  his  hands  were 
willing  to  court  the  favor  of  his  enemy  by  turn- 
ing on  their  benefactor.  From  these  loathsome 
sources  a  mass  of  accusations  was  collected  which 
spread  over  four  thousand  foho  pages!  Yet  Al- 
magro  was  the  idol  of  his  soldiers!  ^* 

Having  completed  the  process  (July  8th,  1538) , 
it  was  not  difficult  to  obtain  a  verdict  against  the 
prisoner.  The  principal  charges  on  which  he  was 
pronounced  guilty  were  those  of  levying  war 
against  the  crown  and  thereby  occasioning  the 
death  of  many  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  of  enter- 
ing into  conspiracy  with  the  Inca,  and,  finally,  of 
dispossessing  the  royal  governor  of  the  city  of 
Cuzco.  On  these  charges  he  was  condemned  to 
suffer  death  as  a  traitor,  by  being  publicly  be- 
headed in  the  great  square  of  the  city.  Who  were 
the  judges,  or  what  was  the  tribunal  that  con- 
demned him,  we  are  not  informed.  Indeed,  the 
whole  trial  was  a  mockery,  if  that  can  be  called 
a  trial  where  the  accused  himself  is  not  even  aware 
of  the  accusation. 

The  sentence  was  communicated  by  a  friar  de- 
puted for  the  purpose  to  Almagro.  The  unhappy 
man,  who  all  the  while  had  been  unconsciously 
slumbering  on  the  brink  of  a  precipice,  could  not 
at  first  comprehend  the  nature  of  his  situation. 

" "  De  tal  manera  que  los  Escrivanos  no  se  davan  manos,  i  ii 
tenian  escritas  mas  de  dos  mil  hojas."  Ibid.,  dec-.  (5,  lib.  4,  cap.  7. — 
Naharro,  Relacion  .sumaria,  MS. — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS.-— Carta 
de  Gutierrez,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de 
Espinall,  MS. 


1*38]  TRIAL    OF    ALMAGRO  341 

Recovering  from  the  first  shock,  "  It  was  impos- 
sible," he  said,  "  that  such  wrong  could  be  done 
him, — he  would  not  believe  it."  He  then  besought 
Hernando  Pizarro  to  grant  him  an  interview. 
That  cavalier,  not  unwilling,  it  would  seem,  to 
witness  the  agony  of  his  captive,  consented;  and 
Almagro  was  so  humbled  by  his  misfortunes  that 
he  condescended  to  beg  for  his  life  with  the  most 
piteous  supplications.  He  reminded  Hernando 
of  his  ancient  relations  with  his  brother,  and  the 
good  offices  he  had  rendered  him  and  his  family 
in  the  earlier  part  of  their  career.  He  touched  on 
his  acknowledged  services  to  his  country,  and  be- 
sought his  enemy  "  to  spare  his  gray  hairs,  and 
not  to  deprive  him  of  the  short  remnant  of  an 
existence  from  which  he  had  now  nothing  more 
to  fear."  To  this  the  other  coldly  replied  that 
"  he  was  surprised  to  see  Almagro  demean  him- 
self in  a  manner  so  unbecoming  a  brave  cavalier; 
that  his  fate  was  no  worse  than  had  befallen  many 
a  soldier  before  him;  and  that,  since  God  had 
given  him  the  grace  to  be  a  Christian,  he  should 
employ  his  remaining  moments  in  making  up  his 
account  with  Heaven."  ^* 

But  Almagro  was  not  to  be  silenced.  He  urged 
the  service  he  had  rendered  Hernando  himself. 
"  This  was  a  hard  requital,"  he  said,  "  for  having 
spared  his  life  so  recently  under  similar  circum- 
stances, and  that,  too,  when  he  had  been  urged 
again  and  again  by  those  around  him  to  take  it 

"  "  I  que  pues  tuvo  tanta  gracia  de  Dios,  que  le  hicjo  Christiano, 
ordenase  su  Alma,  i  temiese  &  Dios."  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6, 
lib.  5,  cap.  1. 


342      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

away."  And  he  concluded  by  menacing  his  enemy 
with  the  vengeance  of  the  emperor,  who  would 
never  suffer  this  outrage  on  one  who  had  rendered 
such  signal  services  to  the  crown  to  go  unrequited. 
It  was  all  in  vain ;  and  Hernando  abruptly  closed 
the  conference  by  repeating  that  "  his  doom  was 
inevitable,  and  he  must  prepare  to  meet  it."  ^^ 

Almagro,  finding  that  no  impression  was  to  be 
made  on  his  iron-hearted  conqueror,  now  seriously 
addressed  himself  to  the  settlement  of  his  affairs. 
By  the  terms  of  the  royal  grant  he  was  empowered 
to  name  his  successor.  He  accordingly  devolved 
his  office  on  his  son,  appointing  Diego  de  Alva- 
rado,  on  whose  integrity  he  had  great  reliance, 
administrator  of  the  province  during  his  mi- 
nority. All  his  property  and  possessions  in  Peni, 
of  whatever  kind,  he  devised  to  his  master  the 
emperor,  assuring  him  that  a  large  balance  was 
still  due  to  him  in  his  unsettled  accounts  with 
Pizarro.  By  this  politic  bequest  he  hoped  to 
secure  the  monarch's  protection  for  his  son,  as 
well  as  a  strict  scrutiny  into  the  affairs  of  his 
enemy. 

The  knowledge  of  Almagro's  sentence  pro- 
duced  a   deep   sensation   in   the   community   of 

"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — The  marshal  appealed  from  the  sentence  of 
his  judges  to  the  crown,  supplicating  his  conqueror  (says  the  treas- 
urer Espinall,  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor)  in  terms  that  would  have 
touched  the  heart  of  an  infidel:  "  De  la  qual  el  dicho  Adelantado 
apelo  para  ante  V.  M.  i  le  rogo  que  por  amor  de  Dios  hincado  de 
rodillas  le  otorgase  el  apelacion,  diciendole  que  mirase  sus  canas  e 
vejez  e  quanto  havia  servido  &  V.  M.  i  q"  el  havia  sido  el  primer 
escalon  para  que  el  i  sus  hermanos  subiesen  en  el  estado  en  que 
estavan,  i  diciendole  otras  muchas  palabras  de  dolor  e  compasion 
que  despues  de  muerto  supe  que  dixo,  que  &  qualquier  hombre, 
aunque  fuera  infiel,  moviera  &  piedad."    Carta,  MS. 


1538]  EXECUTION    OF    ALMAGRO  343 

Cuzco.  All  were  amazed  at  the  presumption 
with  which  one  armed  with  a  little  brief  au- 
thority ventured  to  sit  in  judgment  on  a  person 
of  Almagro's  station.  There  were  few  who  did 
not  call  to  mind  some  generous  or  good-natured 
act  of  the  unfortunate  veteran.  Even  those  who 
had  furnished  materials  for  the  accusation,  now 
startled  by  the  tragic  result  to  which  it  was  to 
lead,  were  heard  to  denounce  Hernando's  conduct 
as  that  of  a  tyrant.  Some  of  the  principal  cava- 
liers, and  among  them  Diego  de  Alvarado,  to 
whose  intercession,  as  we  have  seen,  Hernando 
Pizarro,  when  a  captive,  had  owned  his  own  life, 
waited  on  that  commander  and  endeavored  to  dis- 
suade him  from  so  high-handed  and  atrocious  a 
proceeding.  It  was  in  vain.  But  it  had  the  effect 
of  changing  the  mode  of  the  execution,  which, 
instead  of  the  public  square,  was  now  to  take  place 
in  prison.^^ 

On  the  day  appointed,  a  strong  corps  of  arque- 
busiers  was  drawn  up  in  the  plaza.  The  guards 
were  doubled  over  the  houses  where  dwelt  the 
principal  partisans  of  Almagro.  The  executioner, 
attended  by  a  priest,  stealthily  entered  his  prison ; 
and  the  unhappy  man,  after  confessing  and  re- 
ceiving the  sacrament,  submitted  without  resist- 
ance  to   the   garrote.      Thus    obscurely,    in    the 

"  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1538. — 
Bishop  Valverde,  as  he  assures  the  emperor,  remonstrated  with  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  in  Lima  against  allowing  violence  towards  the  marshal, 
urging  it  on  him,  as  an  imperative  duty,  to  go  himself  at  once  to 
Cuzco  and  set  him  at  liberty.  "  It  was  too  grave  a  matter,"  he 
rightly  added,  "  to  trust  to  a  third  party."  (Carta  al  Emperador, 
MS.)  The  treasurer  Espinall,  then  in  Cuzco,  made  a  similar  in- 
effectual attempt  to  turn  Hernando  from  his  purpose. 


344      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

gloomy  silence  of  a  dungeon,  perished  the  hero 
of  a  hundred  battles!  His  corpse  was  removed 
to  the  great  square  of  the  city,  where,  in  obedience 
to  the  sentence,  the  head  was  severed  from  the 
body.  A  herald  proclaimed  aloud  the  nature  of 
the  crimes  for  which  he  had  suffered;  and  his  re- 
mains, rolled  in  their  bloody  shroud,  were  borne 
to  the  house  of  his  friend  Hernan  Ponce  de  Leon, 
and  the  next  day  laid  with  all  due  solemnity  in 
the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  Mercy.  The  Pizarros 
appeared  among  the  principal  mourners.  It  was 
remarked  that  their  brother  had  paid  similar 
honors  to  the  memory  of  Atahuallpa.^^ 

Almagro,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was  prob- 
ably not  far  from  seventy  years  of  age.  But  this 
is  somewhat  uncertain ;  for  Almagro  was  a  found- 
ling, and  his  early  history  is  lost  in  obscurity.^^ 
He  had  many  excellent  qualities  by  nature;  and 
his  defects,  which  were  not  few,  may  reasonably 
be  palliated  by  the  circumstances  of  his  situation. 
For  what  extenuation  is  not  authorized  by  the 
position  of  a  foundling, — without  parents,  or 
early  friends,  or  teacher  to  direct  him, — his  little 
bark  set  adrift  on  the  ocean  of  life,  to  take  its 
chance  among  the  rude  billows  and  breakers,  with- 
out one  friendly  hand  stretched  forth  to  steer  or 
to  save  it  I    The  name  of  "  foundling"  compre- 

"  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  loc.  cit. — Carta 
de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. — Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS. — Pedro 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Montesino.s,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1538. 
— The  date  of  Almagro'.s  execution  is  not  given, — -a  strange  omission, 
but  of  little  moment,  as  that  event  must  have  followed  soon  on  the 
condemnation. 

"Ante,  vol.  ii.  p.  186. 


1538]  CHARACTER    OF    ALMAGRO  346 

hends  an  apology  for  much,  very  much,  that  is 
wrong  in  after-life.^* 

He  was  a  man  of  strong  passions,  and  not  too 
well  used  to  control  them.^*^  But  he  was  neither 
vindictive  nor  habitually  cruel.  I  have  mentioned 
one  atrocious  outrage  which  he  committed  on  the 
natives.  But  insensibility  to  the  rights  of  the 
Indian  he  shared  with  many  a  better-instructed 
Spaniard.  Yet  the  Indians,  after  his  conviction, 
bore  testimony  to  his  general  humanity,  by  de- 
claring that  they  had  no  such  friend  among  the 
white  men.^"  Indeed,  far  from  being  vindictive, 
he  was  placable,  and  easily  yielded  to  others.  The 
facility  with  which  he  yielded,  the  result  of  good- 
natured  credulity,  made  him  too  often  the  dupe 
of  the  crafty;  and  it  showed,  certainly,  a  want 
of  that  self-reliance  which  belongs  to  great 
strength  of  character.  Yet  his  facility  of 
temper,  and  the  generosity  of  his  nature,  made 
him  popular  with  his  followers.  No  commander 
was  ever  more  beloved  by  his  soldiers.  His  gen- 
erosity was  often  carried  to  prodigality.  When 
he  entered  on  the  campaign  of  Chili,  he  lent  a 
hundred  thousand  gold  ducats  to  the  poorer  cava- 

"  Montesinos,  for  want  of  a  better  pedigree,  says,  "  He  was  the 
son  of  his  own  great  deeds,  and  such  has  been  the  parentage  of  many 
a  famous  hero ! "  (Annales,  MS.,  afio  1538.)  It  would  go  hard  with 
a  Castilian  if  he  could  not  make  out  something  like  a  genealogj-, — 
however  shadowy. 

"  "  Hera  vn  hombre  muy  profano,  de  muy  mala  lengua,  que  en 
enojandose  tratava  muy  mal  &  todos  los  que  con  el  andavan  aunque 
fuesen  cavalleros."  (Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)  It  is  the  portrait 
drawn  by  an  enemy. 

'• "  Ivos  Indios  lloraban  amargamentc,  diciendo,  que  de  ^1  nunca  re- 
cibieron  mal  tratamiento."  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  5, 
cap.  I. 


346      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

liers  to  equip  themselves,  and  afterwards  gave 
them  up  the  debt.'^^  He  was  profuse  to  ostenta- 
tion. But  his  extravagance  did  him  no  harm 
among  the  roving  spirits  of  the  camp,  with  whom 
prodigality  is  apt  to  gain  more  favor  than  a  strict 
and  well-regulated  economy. 

He  was  a  good  soldier,  careful  and  judicious 
in  his  plans,  patient  and  intrepid  in  their  execu- 
tion. His  body  was  covered  with  the  scars  of  his 
battles,  till  the  natural  plainness  of  his  person  was 
converted  almost  into  deformity.  He  must  not 
be  judged  by  his  closing  campaign,  when,  de- 
pressed by  disease,  he  yielded  to  the  superior 
genius  of  his  rival,  but  by  his  numerous  expe- 
ditions by  land  and  by  water  for  the  conquest  of 
Peru  and  the  remote  Chili.  Yet  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  he  possessed  those  uncommon  qualities, 
either  as  a  warrior  or  as  a  man,  that,  in  ordinary 
circumstances,  w^ould  have  raised  him  to  distinc- 
tion. He  was  one  of  the  three,  or,  to  speak  more 
strictly,  of  the  two,  associates  who  had  the  good 
fortune  and  the  glory  to  make  one  of  the  most 
splendid  discoveries  in  the  Western  World.  He 
shares  largely  in  the  credit  of  this  with  Pizarro; 
for  when  he  did  not  accompany  that  leader  in  his 
perilous  expeditions  he  contributed  no  less  to  their 
success  by  his  exertions  in  the  colonies. 

Yet  his  connection  with  that  chief  can  hardly 

"  If  we  may  credit  Herrera,  he  distributed  a  hundred  and  eighty 
loads  of  silver  and  twenty  of  gold  among  his  followers !  "  Mando 
sacar  de  su  Posada  mas  de  ciento  i  ochenta  cargas  de  Plata  i  veinte 
de  Oro,  i  las  reparti6."  (Dec.  5,  lib.  7,  cap.  9.)  A  load  was  what  a 
man  could  easily  carry.  Such  a  statement  taxes  our  credulity;  but 
it  is  difficult  to  set  the  proper  limits  to  one's  credulity  in  what  relates 
to  this  land  of  gold. 


153S1  CHARACTER    OF    ALMAGRO  347 

be  considered  a  fortunate  circumstance  in  his 
career.  A  partnership  between  individuals  for 
discovery  and  conquest  is  not  Hkely  to  be  very 
scrupulously  observed,  especially  by  men  more 
accustomed  to  govern  others  than  to  govern  them- 
selves. If  causes  for  discord  do  not  arise  before, 
they  will  be  sure  to  spring  up  on  division  of  the 
spoil.  But  this  association  was  particularly  ill 
assorted.  For  the  free,  sanguine,  and  confiding 
temper  of  Almagro  was  no  match  for  the  cool 
and  crafty  policy  of  Pizarro;  and  he  was  in- 
variably circumvented  by  his  companion  whenever 
their  respective  interests  came  in  collision. 

Still,  the  final  ruin  of  Almagro  may  be  fairly 
imputed  to  himself.  He  made  two  capital  blun- 
ders. The  first  was  his  appeal  to  arms  by  the 
seizure  of  Cuzco.  The  determination  of  a  boun- 
dary-line was  not  to  be  settled  by  arms.  It  was  a 
subject  for  arbitration;  and  if  arbitrators  could 
not  be  trusted  it  should  have  been  referred  to  the 
decision  of  the  crown.  But,  having  once  appealed 
to  arms,  he  should  not  then  have  resorted  to  nego- 
tiation,— above  all,  to  negotiation  with  Pizarro. 
This  was  his  second  and  greatest  error.  He  had 
seen  enough  of  Pizarro  to  know  that  he  was  not 
to  be  trusted.  Almagro  did  trust  him;  and  he 
paid  for  it  with  his  life.* 

*  [Besides  the  authors  specified  by  Prescott,  another  writer  throws 
considerable  light  upon  the  events  of  this  time,  a  partisan  of 
Almagro,  Alonzo  Enriquez  de  Guzman.  The  charming  naivete  with 
which  he  explains  the  motives  which  ever  dominated  his  conduct, 
whether  good  or  bad,  leads  us  to  place  much  faith  in  his  general 
statements.  His  autobiography  has  been  translated  by  Markham 
and  published  by  the  Hakluji:  Society,  "The  Life  and  Acts  of  Don 
Alonzo  Enriquez  de  Guzman." — M.] 


CHAPTER   III 

PIZAERO  REVISITS  CUZCO — HERNANDO  RETURNS  TO 
CASTILE — HIS  LONG  IMPRISONMENT COMMIS- 
SIONER  SENT  TO   PERU — HOSTILITIES  WITH   THE 

INCA PIZARRO'S     ACTIVE     ADMINISTRATION 

GONZALO   PIZARRO 

1539-1540 

ON  the  departure  of  his  brother  in  pursuit  of 
Almagro,  the  Marquis  Francisco  Pizarro, 
as  we  have  seen,  returned  to  Lima.  There  he 
anxiously  awaited  the  result  of  the  campaign ;  and 
on  receiving  the  welcome  tidings  of  the  victory  of 
Las  Salinas  he  instantly  made  preparations  for 
his  march  to  Cuzco.  At  Xauxa,  however,  he  was 
long  detained  by  the  distracted  state  of  the  coun- 
try, and  still  longer,  as  it  would  seem,  by  a  re- 
luctance to  enter  the  Peruvian  capital  while  the 
trial  of  Almagro  was  pending. 

He  was  met  at  Xauxa  by  the  marshal's  son 
Diego,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  coast  by  Her- 
nando Pizarro.  The  young  man  was  filled  with 
the  most  gloomy  apprehensions  respecting  his 
father's  fate,  and  he  besought  the  governor  not 
to  allow  his  brother  to  do  him  any  violence.  Pi- 
zarro, who  received  Diego  with  much  apparent 
kindness,  bade  him  take  heart,  as  no  harm  should 
come  to  his  father ;  ^    adding  that  he  trusted  their 

*  "  I  dixo,  que  no  tuviese  ninp;una  pena,  porque  no  consentiria  que 
8u  Padre  fuese  muerto."    Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  3. 
848 


1539]  PIZARRO    REVISITS    CUZCO  349 

ancient  friendship  would  soon  be  renewed.  The 
youth,  comforted  by  these  assurances,  took  his 
way  to  Lima,  where,  by  Pizarro's  orders,  he  was 
received  into  his  house  and  treated  as  a  son. 

The  same  assurances  respecting  the  marshal's 
safety  were  given  by  the  governor  to  Bishop  Val- 
verde,  and  some  of  the  principal  cavaliers  who 
interested  themselves  in  behalf  of  the  prisoner.^ 
Still  Pizarro  delayed  his  march  to  the  capital ;  and 
when  he  resumed  it  he  had  advanced  no  farther 
than  the  Rio  de  Abancay  when  he  received  tidings 
of  the  death  of  his  rival.  He  appeared  greatly 
shocked  by  the  intelligence.  His  whole  frame  was 
agitated,  and  he  remained  for  some  time  with  his 
eyes  bent  on  the  ground,  showing  signs  of  strong 
emotion.^ 

Such  is  the  account  given  by  his  friends.  A 
more  probable  version  of  the  matter  represents 
him  to  have  been  perfectly  aware  of  the  state  of 
things  at  Cuzco.  When  the  trial  was  concluded, 
it  is  said,  he  received  a  message  from  Hernando, 
inquiring  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  prisoner. 
He  answered  in  a  few  words: — "Deal  with  him 
so  that  he  shall  give  us  no  more  trouble."  *     It 

' "  Que  lo  haria  asi  como  lo  decia,  i  que  su  deseo  no  era  otro,  sino 
ver  el  Reino  en  paz;  i  que  en  lo  que  tocaba  al  Adelantado,  perdiese 
cuidado,  que  bolveria  h,  tener  el  antigua  amistad  con  ^1."  Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. 

'  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — He  even  shed  many  tears, 
derramo  mucha.i  Infjrima,^,  according  to  Herrera,  who  evidently  gives 
him  small  credit  for  them.  Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  7. — Conf.  lib.  5, 
cap.  1. 

*"Respondi5,  que  hiciese  de  manera,  que  el  Adelantado  no  los 
pusiesc  en  mas  alborotos."  (Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  7.)  "Detodo 
esto,"  says  l^spinall,  "  fue  sabidor  el  dicho  Governador  Pizarro  i  lo 


350      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

is  also  stated  that  Hernando  afterwards,  when 
laboring  under  the  obloquy  caused  by  Almagro's 
death,  shielded  himself  under  instructions  affirmed 
to  have  been  received  from  the  governor.^  It  is 
quite  certain  that  during  his  long  residence  at 
Xauxa  the  latter  was  in  constant  communication 
with  Cuzco,  and  that  had  he,  as  Valverde  re- 
peatedly urged  him,^  quickened  his  march  to  that 
capital,  he  might  easily  have  prevented  the  con- 
summation of  the  tragedy.  As  commander-in- 
chief,  Almagro's  fate  was  in  his  hands;  and, 
whatever  his  own  partisans  may  affirm  of  his  in- 
nocence, the  impartial  judgment  of  history  must 
hold  him  equally  accountable  with  Hernando  for 
the  death  of  his  associate. 

Neither  did  his  subsequent  conduct  show  any 
remorse  for  these  proceedings.  He  entered  Cuzco, 
says  one  who  was  present  there  to  witness  it,  amidst 
the  flourish  of  clarions  and  trumpets,  at  the  head 
of  his  martial  cavalcade,  and  dressed  in  the  rich 
suit  presented  him  by  Cortes,  with  the  proud  bear- 
ing and  joyous  mien  of  a  conqueror.^  When 
Diego  de  Alvarado  applied  to  him  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  southern  provinces,  in  the  name 
of  the  young  Almagro,  whom  his  father,  as  we 

que  mi  juicio  i  el  de  otros  que  en  ello  quisieron  mirar  alcanzo." 
Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

*  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  5,  cap.  1. — Herrera's  testimony 
is  little  short  of  that  of  a  contemporary,  since  it  was  derived,  he  tells 
us,  from  the  correspondence  of  the  Conquerors,  and  the  accounts 
given  him  by  their  own  sons.    Lib.  6,  cap.  7. 

•Carta  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. 

'  "  En  este  medio  tiempo  vino  &  la  dicha  cibdad  del  Cuzco  el  do- 
bernador  D.  Fran"*  Pizarro,  el  qual  entro  con  trompetas  i  chirimias 
vestido  con  ropa  de  niartas  que  fue  el  luto  con  que  entro."  Carta  de 
Espinall,  MS. 


1539J  PIZARRO    REVISITS    CUZCO  351 

have  seen,  had  consigned  to  his  protection,  Pizarro 
answered  that  "  the  marshal,  by  his  rebellion,  had 
forfeited  all  claims  to  the  government."  And 
when  he  was  still  further  urged  by  the  cavalier, 
he  bluntly  broke  off  the  conversation  by  declaring 
that  "  his  own  territory  covered  all  on  this  side  of 
Flanders"  I  ® — intimating,  no  doubt,  by  this  mag- 
nificent vaunt,  that  he  would  endure  no  rival  on 
this  side  of  the  water. 

In  the  same  spirit,  he  had  recently  sent  to  su- 
persede Benalcazar,  the  conqueror  of  Quito,  who, 
he  was  informed,  aspired  to  an  independent  gov- 
ernment. Pizarro's  emissary  had  orders  to  send 
the  offending  captain  to  Lima;  but  Benalcazar, 
after  pushing  his  victorious  career  far  into  the 
north,  had  returned  to  Castile  to  solicit  his  guerdon 
from  the  emperor. 

To  the  complaints  of  the  injured  natives  who 
invoked  his  protection  he  showed  himself  strangely 
insensible,  while  the  followers  of  Almagro  he 
treated  with  undisguised  contempt.  The  estates 
of  the  leaders  were  confiscated,  and  transferred 
without  ceremony  to  his  own  partisans.  Her- 
nando had  made  attempts  to  conciliate  some  of 
the  opposite  faction  by  acts  of  liberality,  but  they 
had  refused  to  accept  anything  from  the  man 
whose  hands  were  stained  with  the  blood  of  their 
commander.^      The    governor    offered    them    no 

'  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — "  Mui  asperamente  le  respondi5  el 
Governador,  diciendo,  que  su  Governacion  no  tenia  Termino,  i  que 
llegaba  hasta  Flandes."    Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  7. 

' "  Avia  querido  hazer  amigos  de  los  principales  de  Chile,  y  ofreci- 
doles  daria  rrepartimientos  y  no  lo  avian  aceptado  ni  querido." 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS, 


352      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

such  encouragement;  and  many  were  reduced 
to  such  abject  poverty  that,  too  proud  to  expose 
their  wretchedness  to  the  eyes  of  their  conquerors, 
they  withdrew  from  the  city  and  sought  a  retreat 
among  the  neighboring  mountains.^" 

For  his  own  brothers  he  provided  by  such  ample 
repartimientos  as  excited  the  murmurs  of  his  ad- 
herents. He  appointed  Gonzalo  to  the  command 
of  a  strong  force  destined  to  act  against  the  na- 
tives of  Charcas,  a  hardy  people  occupying  the 
territory  assigned  by  the  crown  to  Almagro.  Gon- 
zalo met  with  a  sturdy  resistance,  but,  after  some 
severe  fighting,  succeeded  in  reducing  the  prov- 
ince to  obedience.  He  was  recompensed,  together 
with  Hernando,  who  aided  him  in  the  conquest, 
by  a  large  grant  in  the  neighborhood  of  Porco, 
the  productive  mines  of  which  had  been  partially 
wrought  under  the  Incas.  The  territory  thus 
situated  embraced  part  of  those  silver  hills  of 
Potosi  which  have  since  supplied  Europe  with  such 
stores  of  the  precious  metals.  Hernando  compre- 
hended the  capabilities  of  the  ground,  and  he 
began  working  the  mines  on  a  more  extensive 
scale  than  that  hitherto  adopted;  though  it  does 
not  appear  that  any  attempt  was  then  made  to 
penetrate  the  rich  crust  of  Potosi.^  ^      A  few  years 

"• "  Viendolas  oy  en  dia,  muertos  de  ambre,  fechos  pedazos  e  adeu- 
dados,  andando  por  los  niontes  dcscsperados  por  no  parecer  ante 
gentes,  porque  no  ticnen  otra  cosa  que  se  vestir  sino  ropa  de  los 
Indies,  ni  dineros  con  que  lo  oomprar."     Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 

" "  Con  la  quietud,"  writes  Hernando  Pizarro  to  the  emperor, 
"  questa  tierra  apora  tiene  ban  descubierto  i  desciibren  oada  dia  los 
vecinos  miichas  minas  rioas  de  oro  i  plata,  de  que  los  quintos  i  rentas 
reales  de  V.  M.  rada  dia  se  le  ofrecen  i  baccr  casa  a  todo  el  Mundo." 
Carta  al  Emperador,  MS.,  de  Puerto  Viejo,  6  de  Julio,  1539. 


1539J    HERNANDO  RETURNS  TO  CASTILE     353 

more  were  to  elapse  before  the  Spaniards  were  to 
bring  to  light  the  silver-quarries  that  lay  hidden 
in  the  bosom  of  its  mountains/^ 

It  was  now  the  great  business  of  Hernando  to 
collect  a  sufficient  quantity  of  treasure  to  take  with 
him  to  Castile.  Nearly  a  year  had  elapsed  since 
Almagro's  death;  and  it  was  full  time  that  he 
should  return  and  present  himself  at  court,  where 
Diego  de  Alvarado  and  other  friends  of  the 
marshal,  who  had  long  since  left  Peru,  were  indus- 
triously maintaining  the  claims  of  the  younger 
Almagro,  as  well  as  demanding  redress  for  the 
wrongs  done  to  his  father.  But  Hernando  looked 
confidently  to  his  gold  to  dispel  the  accusations 
against  him. 

Before  his  departure,  he  counselled  his  brother 
to  beware  of  the  "  men  of  Chili,"  as  Almagro's 
followers  were  called, — desperate  men,  who  would 
stick  at  nothing,  he  said,  for  revenge.  He  be- 
sought the  governor  not  to  allow  them  to  consort 
together  in  any  number  within  fifty  miles  of  his 
person :  if  he  did,  it  would  be  fatal  to  him.  And 
he  concluded  by  recommending  a  strong  body- 
guard; "  for  I,"  he  added,  "  shall  not  be  here  to 
watch  over  you."  But  the  governor  laughed  at 
the  idle  fears,  as  he  termed  them,  of  his  brother, 
bidding  the  latter  take  no  thought  of  him,  "  as 

"Carta  de  Carbajal  al  Emperador,  MS.,  del  Cuzco,  3  de  Nov. 
1539. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales, 
MS.,  ano  1539. — The  story  is  well  known  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  mines  of  Potosf  were  discovered  by  an  Indian,  who  pulled  a 
bush  out  of  the  groimd  to  the  fibres  of  which  a  quantity  of  silver 
globules  was  attached.  The  mine  was  not  registered  till  1545.  The 
account  is  given  by  Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 
Vol.  II.— 23 


354      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

every  hair  in  the  heads  of  Ahnagro's  followers 
was  a  guarantee  for  his  safety."  ^^  He  did  not 
know  the  character  of  his  enemies  so  well  as  Her- 
nando. 

The  latter  soon  after  embarked  at  Lima,  in  the 
summer  of  1539.  He  did  not  take  the  route  to 
Panama,  for  he  had  heard  that  it  was  the  inten- 
tion of  the  authorities  there  to  detain  him.  He 
made  a  circuitous  passage,  therefore,  by  way  of 
Mexico,  landing  in  the  Bay  of  Tehuantepec,  and 
was  making  his  way  across  the  narrow  strip  that 
divides  the  great  oceans,  when  he  was  arrested  and 
taken  to  the  capital.  But  the  Viceroy  Mendoza 
did  not  consider  that  he  had  a  right  to  detain  him, 
and  he  was  suffered  to  embark  at  Vera  Cruz  and 
to  proceed  on  his  voyage.  Still,  he  did  not  deem 
it  safe  to  trust  himself  in  Spain  without  further 
advices.  He  accordingly  put  in  at  one  of  the 
Azores,  where  he  remained  until  he  could  commu- 
nicate with  home.  He  had  some  powerful  friends 
at  court,  and  by  them  he  was  encouraged  to  pre- 
sent himself  before  the  emperor.  He  took  their 
advice,  and,  shortly  after,  reached  the  Spanish 
coast  in  safety.^* 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  10. — Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  12. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  142. — "  No 
consienta  vuestra  sefioria  que  se  junten  diez  juntos  en  cinquenta 
leguas  alrrededor  de  adonde  vuestra  senoria  estuviere,  porque  si 
los  dexa  juntar  le  an  de  matar.  Si  &  Vuestra  Senoria  matan,  yo 
negociare  mal  y  de  vuestra  sefioria  no  quedara  memoria.  Estas 
palahras  dixo  Hernando  Picarro  altas  que  todos  le  oymos.  Y  abra- 
^ando  al  marquez  se  partio  y  .se  fue."  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Conq.,  MS. 

"Carta  de  Hernando  Pizarro  al  Emperador,  MS. — Herrera,  Hi.st. 
general,  dec.  6.  lib.  6,  cap.  10. — Montcsinos,  Annales,  MS.,  aflo 
1539. 


1639]    HERNANDO  RETURNS  TO  CASTILE     355 

The  court  was  at  Valladolid;  but  Hernando, 
who  made  his  entrance  into  that  city  with  great 
pomp  and  a  display  of  his  Indian  riches,  met  with 
a  reception  colder  than  he  had  anticipated.^**  For 
this  he  was  mainly  indebted  to  Diego  de  Alvarado, 
who  was  then  residing  there,  and  who,  as  a  cava- 
lier of  honorable  standing  and  of  high  connec- 
tions, had  considerable  influence.  He  had  for- 
merly, as  we  have  seen,  by  his  timely  interposition, 
more  than  once  saved  the  life  of  Hernando;  and 
he  had  consented  to  receive  a  pecuniary  obligation 
from  him  to  a  large  amount.  But  all  was  now 
forgotten  in  the  recollection  of  the  wrong  done 
to  his  commander;  and,  true  to  the  trust  reposed 
in  him  by  that  chief  in  his  dying  hour,  he  had  come 
to  Spain  to  vindicate  the  claims  of  the  young 
Almagro. 

But,  although  coldly  received  at  first,  Her- 
nando's presence,  and  his  own  version  of  the  dis- 
pute with  Almagro,  aided  by  the  golden  argu- 
ments which  he  dealt  with  no  stinted  hand,  checked 
the  current  of  indignation,  and  the  opinion  of  his 
judges  seemed  for  a  time  suspended.  Alvarado, 
a  cavalier  more  accustomed  to  the  prompt  and 
decisive  action  of  a  camp  than  to  the  tortuous 
intrigues  of  a  court,  chafed  at  the  delay,  and 
challenged  Hernando  to  settle  their  quarrel  by 
single  combat.  But  his  prudent  adversary  had 
no  desire  to  leave  the  issue  to  such  an  ordeal ;  and 
the  affair  was  speedily  terminated  by  the  death  of 
Alvarado  himself,  which  happened  five  days  after 

"Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. 


356      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

the  challenge.  An  event  so  opportune  naturally 
suggested  the  suspicion  of  poison.^ ^ 

But  his  accusations  had  not  wholly  fallen  to  the 
ground ;  and  Hernando  Pizarro  had  carried  meas- 
ures with  too  high  a  hand,  and  too  grossly  out- 
raged public  sentiment,  to  be  permitted  to  escape. 
He  received  no  formal  sentence,  but  he  was  im- 
prisoned in  the  strong  fortress  of  Medina  del 
Campo,  where  he  was  allowed  to  remain  for 
twenty  years,  when  in  1560,  after  a  generation 
had  nearly  passed  away,  and  time  had  in  some 
measure  thrown  its  softening  veil  over  the  past, 
he  was  suffered  to  regain  his  liberty.^  ^  But  he 
came  forth  an  aged  man,  bent  down  with  infirmi- 
ties and  broken  in  spirit, — an  object  of  pity  rather 
than  indignation.  Rarely  has  retributive  justice 
been  meted  out  in  fuller  measure  to  offenders  so 
high  in  authority, — most  rarely  in  Castile.^* 

Yet  Hernando  bore  this  long  imprisonment 
with  an  equanimity  which,  had  it  been  founded 
on  principle,  might  command  our  respect.  He 
saw  brothers  and  kindred,  all  on  whom  he  leaned 
for  support,  cut  off  one  after  another;  his  for- 
tune in  part  confiscated,  while  he  was  involved  in 
expensive  litigation  for  the  remainder;  ^^  his  fame 

""Pero  todo  lo  ataj6  la  repentina  muerte  de  Diego  de  Alvarado, 
que  sucedib  luego  en  cinco  dias,  no  sin  sospecha  de  veneno."  Her- 
rera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  (i,  lib.  8,  cap.  9. 

"  This  date  is  established  by  Quintana,  from  a  legal  process  insti- 
tuted by  Hernando's  grandson,  in  vindication  of  the  title  of  Mar- 
quis, in  the  year  1625. 

"  Naharro,  Relacion  sumaria,  MS. — Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Varones 
ilustres,  p.  341. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  aflo  1539. — Gomara, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  142. 

"  Caro  de  Torres  gives  a  royal  cMxila  in  reference  to  the  working 
of  the  silver-mines  of  Porco,  still  owned  by  Hernando  Pizarro,  in 


HERNANDO    PIZARRO  357 

blighted,  his  career  closed  in  an  untimely  hour, 
himself  an  exile  in  the  heart  of  his  own  country; 
yet  he  bore  it  all  with  the  constancy  of  a  cour- 
ageous spirit.  Though  very  old  when  released, 
he  still  survived  several  years,  and  continued  to 
the  extraordinary  age  of  a  hundred.^®  He  lived 
long  enough  to  see  friends,  rivals,  and  foes  all 
called  away  to  their  account  before  him. 

Hernando  Pizarro  was  in  many  respects  a  re- 
markable character.  He  was  the  eldest  of  the 
brothers,  to  whom  he  was  related  only  by  the 
father's  side,  for  he  was  born  in  wedlock,  of 
honorable  parentage  on  both  sides  of  his  house. 
In  his  early  years  he  received  a  good  education, 
— good  for  the  time.  He  was  taken  by  his  father, 
while  quite  young,  to  Italy,  and  there  learned  the 
art  of  war  under  the  Great  Captain.  Little  is 
known  of  his  history  after  his  return  to  Spain; 
but,  when  his  brother  had  struck  out  for  himself 
his  brilliant  career  of  discovery  in  Peru,  Hernando 
consented  to  take  part  in  his  adventures. 

He  was  much  deferred  to  by  Francisco,  not  only 

1555;  and  another  document  of  nearly  the  same  date,  noticing  his 
receipt  of  ten  thousand  ducats  by  the  fleet  from  Peru.  (Historia  de 
las  Ordenes  militares,  Madrid,  1629,  p.  144.)  Hernando's  grandson 
was  created  by  Philip  IV.  Marquis  of  the  Conquest,  Marques  de 
la  Conquista,  with  a  liberal  pension  from  go%'ernment.  Pizarro  y 
Orellana,  Varones  ilustres,  p.  342,  and  Discurso,  p.  72. 

°°  "  Multos  da,  Jupiter,  annos," 

the  greatest  boon,  in  Pizarro  y  Orellana's  opinion,  that  Heaven  can 
confer !  "  Diole  Dios,  por  todo,  el  premio  mayor  desta  vida,  pues 
fue  tan  larga,  que  exccdio  de  cien  aiios."  (Varones  ilustres,  ]i. 
342.)  According  to  the  same  somewhat  partial  authority,  Hernando 
died,  as  he  had  lived,  in  the  odor  of  sanctity !  "  Viviendo  aprender 
a  morir,  y  saber  morir,  quando  lleg6  la  muerte." 


358      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

as  his  elder  brother,  but  from  his  superior  educa- 
tion and  his  knowledge  of  affairs.  He  was  ready 
in  his  perceptions,  fruitful  in  resources,  and  pos- 
sessed of  great  vigor  in  action.  Though  cour- 
ageous, he  was  cautious;  and  his  counsels,  when 
not  warped  by  passion,  were  wise  and  wary.  But 
he  had  other  quaUties,  which  more  than  counter- 
balanced the  good  resulting  from  excellent  parts 
and  attainments.  His  ambition  and  avarice  were 
insatiable.  He  was  supercilious  even  to  his  equals ; 
and  he  had  a  vindictive  temper,  which  nothing 
could  appease.  Thus,  instead  of  aiding  his 
brother  in  the  Conquest,  he  was  the  evil  genius 
that  blighted  his  path.  He  conceived  from  the 
first  an  unwarrantable  contempt  for  Almagro, 
whom  he  regarded  as  his  brother's  rival,  instead 
of  what  he  then  was,  the  faithful  partner  of  his 
fortunes.  He  treated  him  with  personal  indignity, 
and,  by  his  intrigues  at  court,  had  the  means  of 
doing  him  sensible  injury.  He  fell  into  Almagro's 
hands,  and  had  nearly  paid  for  these  wrongs  with 
his  life.  This  was  not  to  be  forgiven  by  Her- 
nando, and  he  coolly  waited  for  the  hour  of  re- 
venge. Yet  the  execution  of  Almagro  was  a  most 
impolitic  act;  for  an  evil  passion  can  rarely  be 
gratified  with  impunity.  Hernando  thought  to 
buy  off  justice  with  the  gold  of  Peru.  He  had 
studied  human  nature  on  its  weak  and  wicked 
side,  and  he  expected  to  profit  by  it.  Fortunately, 
he  was  deceived.  He  had,  indeed,  his  revenge;  but 
the  hour  of  his  revenge  was  that  of  his  ruin. 

The  disorderly  state  of  Peru  was  such  as  to 
demand  the  inmiediate  interposition  of  the  crown. 


15^«J       COMMISSIONER   SENT   TO   PERU       359 

In  the  general  license  that  prevailed  there,  the 
rights  of  the  Indian  and  of  the  Spaniard  were 
equally  trampled  under  foot.  Yet  the  subject  was 
one  of  great  difficulty;  for  Pizarro's  authority 
was  now  firmly  established  over  the  country,  which 
itself  was  too  remote  from  Castile  to  be  readily 
controlled  at  home.  Pizarro,  moreover,  was  a  man 
not  easy  to  be  approached,  confident  in  his  own 
strength,  jealous  of  interference,  and  possessed 
of  a  fiery  temper,  which  would  kindle  into  a  flame 
at  the  least  distrust  of  the  government.  It  would 
not  answer  to  send  out  a  commission  to  suspend 
him  from  the  exercise  of  his  authority  until  his 
conduct  could  be  investigated,  as  was  done  with 
Cortes  and  other  great  colonial  officers,  on  whose 
rooted  loyalty  the  crown  could  confidently  rely. 
Pizarro's  loyalty  sat,  it  was  feared,  too  lightly  on 
him  to  be  a  powerful  restraint  on  his  movements ; 
and  there  were  not  wanting  those  among  his  reck- 
less followers  who  in  case  of  extremity  would  be 
prompt  to  urge  him  to  throw  off  his  allegiance 
altogether  and  set  up  an  independent  government 
for  himself. 

Some  one  was  to  be  sent  out,  therefore,  who 
should  possess  in  some  sort  a  controlling,  or  at 
least  concurrent,  power  with  the  dangerous  chief, 
while  ostensibly  he  should  act  only  in  subordina- 
tion to  him.  The  person  selected  for  this  delicate 
mission  was  the  Licentiate  Vaca  de  Castro,  a 
member  of  the  Royal  Audience  of  Valladolid. 
He  was  a  learned  judge,  a  man  of  integrity  and 
wisdom,  and,  though  not  bred  to  arms,  had  so 
much  address  and  such  knowledge  of  character 


360     CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

as  would  enable  him  readily  to  turn  the  resources 
of  others  to  his  own  account. 

His  commission  was  guarded  in  a  way  which 
showed  the  embarrassment  of  the  government. 
He  was  to  appear  before  Pizarro  in  the  capacity 
of  a  royal  judge;  to  consult  with  him  on  the 
redress  of  grievances,  especially  with  reference 
to  the  unfortunate  natives;  to  concert  measures 
for  the  prevention  of  future  evils ;  and,  above  all, 
to  possess  himself  faithfully  of  the  condition  of 
the  country  in  all  its  details,  and  to  transmit  in- 
telligence of  it  to  the  court  of  Castile.  But  in 
case  of  Pizarro's  death  he  was  to  produce  his  war- 
rant as  royal  governor,  and  as  such  to  claim  the 
obedience  of  the  authorities  throughout  the  land. 
Events  showed  the  wisdom  of  providing  for  this 
latter  contingency.^^ 

The  licentiate,  thus  commissioned,  quitted  his 
quiet  residence  at  Valladolid,  embarked  at  Seville 
in  the  autumn  of  1540,  and,  after  a  tedious  voyage 
across  the  Atlantic,  he  traversed  the  Isthmus,  and, 
encountering  a  succession  of  tempests  on  the  Pa- 
cific that  had  nearly  sent  his  frail  bark  to  the 
bottom,  put  in  with  her,  a  mere  wreck,  at  the 
northerly  port  of  Buenaventura.^^  The  affairs  of 
the  country  were  in  a  state  to  require  his  presence. 


"  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.  MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  cap.  146. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  9.— Mon- 
tcsinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ailo  1540. — This  latter  writer  sees  nothing 
short  of  a  "  divine  mystery "  in  this  forecast  of  government,  so 
singularly  sustained  by  events:  "  prevencion  del  gran  espiritu  del 
Rev,  no  sin  misterio."     Ubi  .siipra. 

"  Or,  as  the  port  should  rather  be  called,  ^fn^a  Ventura,  as  Pedro 
Pizarro  punningly  remarks:    "  Tuvo  tan  mal   viaje  en   la  mar  que 


15*0]  HOSTILITIES   WITH    THE    INCA     361 

The  civil  war  which  had  lately  distracted  the 
land  had  left  it  in  so  unsettled  a  state  that  the  agi- 
tation continued  long  after  the  immediate  cause 
had  ceased.  This  was  especially  the  case  among 
the  natives.  In  the  violent  transfer  of  reparti- 
mientoSy  the  poor  Indian  hardly  knew  to  whom 
he  was  to  look  as  his  master.  The  fierce  struggles 
between  the  rival  chieftains  left  him  equally  in 
doubt  whom  he  was  to  regard  as  the  rulers  of  the 
land.  As  to  the  authority  of  a  common  sovereign, 
across  the  waters,  paramount  over  all,  he  held  that 
in  still  greater  distrust;  for  what  was  the  au- 
thority which  could  not  command  the  obedience 
even  of  its  own  vassals?  ^^  The  Inca  Manco  was 
not  slow  in  taking  advantage  of  this  state  of 
feeling.  He  left  his  obscure  fastnesses  in  the 
depths  of  the  Andes,  and  established  himself  with 
a  strong  body  of  followers  in  the  mountain-coun- 
try lying  between  Cuzco  and  the  coast.  From  this 
retreat  he  made  descents  on  the  neighboring  plan- 
tations, destroying  the  houses,  sweeping  oif  the 
cattle,  and  massacring  the  people.  He  fell  on 
travellers  as  they  were  journeying  singly  or  in 
caravans  from  the  coast,  and  put  them  to  death 
— it  is  told  by  his  enemies — with  cruel  tortures. 
Single  detachments  were  sent  against  him  from 
time  to  time,  but  without  effect.    Some  he  eluded, 

vbo   de   desembarcar   en    la    Buena   Ventura,   aunque   jo   la   llamo 
Mala."     Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

** "  Piensan  que  les  mienten  los  que  aca  les  dizen  que  ai  un  gran 
Senor  en  Castilla,  viendo  que  aca  pelean  unos  capitanes  contra  otros; 
y  piensan  que  no  ai  otro  Rei  sino  aquel  que  venze  al  otro  porque 
aca  entrellos  no  se  acostumbra  que  un  capitan  pelee  contra  otro, 
estando  entrambos  debaxo  de  un  Senor."  Carta  de  Valverde  al 
Emperador,  MS. 


362      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

others  he  defeated,  and  on  one  occasion  cut  off  a 
party  of  thirty  troopers,  to  a  man.^^ 

At  length  Pizarro  found  it  necessary  to  send 
a  considerable  force  under  his  brother  Gonzalo 
against  the  Inca.  The  hardy  Indian  encountered 
his  enemy  several  times  in  the  rough  passes  of 
the  Cordilleras.  He  was  usually  beaten,  and  some- 
times with  heavy  loss,  which  he  repaired  with  as- 
tonishing facility;  for  he  always  contrived  to 
make  his  escape,  and  so  true  were  his  followers 
that,  in  defiance  of  pursuit  and  ambuscade,  he 
found  a  safe  shelter  in  the  secret  haunts  of  the 
sierra. 

Thus  baffled,  Pizarro  determined  to  try  the 
effect  of  pacific  overtures.  He  sent  to  the  Inca, 
both  in  his  own  name  and  in  that  of  the  Bishop 
of  Cuzco,  whom  the  Peruvian  prince  held  in  rever- 
ence, to  invite  him  to  enter  into  negotiation.^' 
Manco  acquiesced,  and  indicated,  as  he  had  for- 
merly done  with  Almagro,  the  valley  of  Yucay 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  7. — Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. — Carta  de  Valverde 
al  Emperador,  MS. 

"  The  Inca  declined  the  interview  with  the  bishop,  on  the  ground 
that  he  had  seen  him  pay  obeisance  by  taking  off  his  cap  to  Pizarro. 
It  proved  his  inferiority  to  the  latter,  he  said,  and  that  he  could 
never  protect  him  against  the  governor.  The  passage  in  which  this 
is  related  is  curious.  "  Preguntando  d  indios  del  inca  que  anda 
alzado  que  si  sabe  el  inca  que  yo  soi  venido  d  la  tierra  en  nombre  de 
S.  M.  para  defendellos,  dixo  que  mui  bien  lo  sabia;  y  prcguntado 
que  porque  no  se  benia  d  mi  de  paz,  dixo  el  indio  que  dezia  el  inca 
que  porque  yo  quando  vine  hize  la  mocha  al  gobcrnador,  que  quiere 
dezir  que  le  quit6  el  bonete,  que  no  queria  vcnir  d  mi  de  paz;  que  ^I 
no  havia  de  venir  de  paz  sino  d  uno  que  viniese  de  castilla  que  no 
hiziese  la  mocha  al  gobernador,  porque  le  ])arcszc  d  61  que  cstc  lo 
podrd  defender  por  lo  que  ha  hecho  y  no  otro."  Carta  de  Valverde 
al  Emperador,  MS. 


1540]  HORRIBLE    OUTRAGES  363 

as  the  scene  of  it.  The  governor  repaired  thither 
at  the  appointed  time,  well  guarded,  and,  to  pro- 
pitiate the  barbarian  monarch,  sent  him  a  rich 
present  by  the  hands  of  an  African  slave.  The 
slave  was  met  on  the  route  by  a  party  of  the  Inca's 
men,  who,  whether  with  or  without  their  master's 
orders,  cruelly  murdered  him,  and  bore  off  the 
spoil  to  their  quarters.  Pizarro  resented  this  out- 
rage by  another  yet  more  atrocious. 

Among  the  Indian  prisoners  was  one  of  the 
Inca's  wives,  a  young  and  beautiful  woman,  to 
whom  he  was  said  to  be  fondly  attached.  The 
governor  ordered  her  to  be  stripped  naked,  bound 
to  a  tree,  and,  in  presence  of  the  camp,  to  be 
scourged  with  rods  and  then  shot  to  death  with 
arrows.  The  wretched  victim  bore  the  execution 
of  the  sentence  with  surprising  fortitude.  She 
did  not  beg  for  mercy,  where  none  was  to  be 
found.  Not  a  complaint,  scarcely  a  groan,  es- 
caped her  under  the  infliction  of  these  terrible  tor- 
ments. The  iron  Conquerors  were  amazed  at  this 
power  of  endurance  in  a  delicate  woman,  and  they 
expressed  their  admiration,  while  they  condemned 
the  cruelty  of  their  commander — in  their  hearts.^^ 

"  At  least  we  may  presume  they  did  so,  since  they  openly  condemn 
him  in  their  accounts  of  the  transaction.  I  quote  Pedro  Pizarro,  not 
disposed  to  criticise  the  conduct  of  his  general  too  severely:  "  Se 
tomo  una  muger  de  mango  ynga  que  le  queria  mucho  y  se  guardo, 
creyendo  que  por  ella  saldria  de  paz.  Esta  muger  mando  matar  al 
marquez  despues  en  Yucay,  haziendola  varear  con  varas  y  flechar  con 
flechas  por  una  burla  que  mango  ynga  le  hizo  que  aqui  contare,  y  en- 
tiendo  yo  que  por  esta  crueldad  y  otra  hermana  del  ynga  que  mando 
matar  en  Lima  quando  los  yndios  pusieron  cerco  sobrella  que  se  11a- 
mava  Acarpay,  me  parcsce  d  mi  que  nuestro  senior  le  castigo  en  el 
fin  que  tuvo."     Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


364.      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

Yet  constancy  under  the  most  excruciating  tor- 
tures that  human  cruelty  can  inflict  is  the  almost 
universal  characteristic  of  the  American  Indian. 

Pizarro  now  prepared,  as  the  most  effectual 
means  of  checking  these  disorders  among  the  na- 
tives, to  establish  settlements  in  the  heart  of  the 
disaffected  country.  These  settlements,  which 
received  the  dignified  name  of  cities,  might  be 
regarded  in  the  light  of  military  colonies.  The 
houses  were  usually  built  of  stone,  to  which  were 
added  the  various  public  offices,  and  sometimes  a 
fortress.  A  municipal  corporation  was  organized. 
Settlers  were  invited  by  the  distribution  of  large 
tracts  of  land  in  the  neighborhood,  with  a  stipu- 
lated number  of  Indian  vassals  to  each.  The 
soldiers  then  gathered  there,  sometimes  accom- 
panied by  their  wives  and  families ;  for  the  women 
of  Castile  seem  to  have  disdained  the  impediments 
of  sex,  in  the  ardor  of  conjugal  attachment,  or, 
it  may  be,  of  romantic  adventure.  A  populous 
settlement  rapidly  grew  up  in  the  wilderness, 
affording  protection  to  the  surrounding  terri- 
tory, and  furnishing  a  commercial  depot  for  the 
country,  and  an  armed  force  ready  at  all  times 
to  maintain  public  order. 

Such  a  settlement  was  that  now  made  at  Gua- 
manga,  midway  between  Cuzco  and  Lima,  which 
effectually  answered  its  purpose  by  guarding  the 
communications  with  the  coast.^^     Another  town 

"  Cieza  de  Leon  notices  the  uncommon  l)eaiity  nnd  solidity  of 
the  buildings  at  Guamanpa:  "La  qiial  han  cdificado  las  mayorcs  y 
mejores  casas  que  ay  en  todo  el  Peru,  todas  de  picdra,  ladrillo,  y 
teja,  con  prandcs  torres:  de  manera  que  no  falta  aposentos.  La 
plafa  esta  liana  y  hien  grandc."    Cronica,  cap.  87. 


1540J  PIZARRO'S  ACTIVE  ADMINISTRATION  365 

was  founded  in  the  mining-district  of  Charcas, 
under  the  appropriate  name  of  the  Villa  de  la 
Plata,  the  "  City  of  Silver."  And  Pizarro,  who 
journeyed  by  a  circuitous  route  along  the  shores 
of  the  Southern  sea  towards  Lima,  established  the 
city  of  Arequipa,  since  arisen  to  such  commercial 
celebrity. 

Once  more  in  his  favorite  capital  of  Lima,  the 
governor  found  abundant  occupation  in  attend- 
ing to  its  municipal  concerns  and  in  providing  for 
the  expansive  growth  of  its  population.  Nor  was 
he  unmindful  of  the  other  rising  settlements  on 
the  Pacific.  He  encouraged  commerce  with  the 
remoter  colonies  north  of  Peru,  and  took  meas- 
ures for  facilitating  internal  intercourse.  He 
stimulated  industry  in  all  its  branches,  paying 
great  attention  to  husbandry,  and  importing 
seeds  of  the  different  European  grains,  which 
he  had  the  satisfaction,  in  a  short  time,  to  see 
thriving  luxuriantly  in  a  country  where  the  va- 
riety of  soil  and  climate  afforded  a  home  for 
almost  every  product.^^  Above  all,  he  promoted 
the  working  of  the  mines,  which  already  began  to 
make  such  returns  that  the  most  common  articles 
of  life  rose  to  exorbitant  prices,  while  the  precious 
metals  themselves  seemed  the  only  thing  of  little 
value.  But  they  soon  changed  hands,  and  found 
their  way  to  the  mother-country,  where  they  rose 
to  their  true  level  as  they  mingled  with  the  gen- 
eral currency  of  Europe.     The  Spaniards  found 

"  "  I  con  que  ik  comen^aba  a  haver  en  aquellas  Tierras  cosecha  de 
Trigo,  Cevada,  i  otras  muchas  cosas  de  Castilla."  Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  2. 


366      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

that  they  had  at  length  reached  the  land  of  which 
they  had  been  so  long  in  search, — the  land  of  gold 
and  silver.  Emigrants  came  in  greater  numbers 
to  the  country,  and,  spreading  over  its  surface, 
formed  in  the  increasing  population  the  most 
effectual  barrier  against  the  rightful  owners  of 
the  soil.^® 

Pizarro,  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  fresh 
adventurers,  now  turned  his  attention  to  the 
remoter  quarters  of  the  country.  Pedro  de  Val- 
divia  was  sent  on  his  memorable  expedition  to 
Chili;  and  to  his  own  brother  Gonzalo  the 
governor  assigned  the  territory  of  Quito,  with 
instructions  to  explore  the  unknown  country  to- 
wards the  east,  where,  as  report  said,  grew  the 
cinnamon.  As  this  chief,  who  had  hitherto  acted 
but  a  subordinate  part  in  the  Conquest,  is  hence- 
forth to  take  the  most  conspicuous,  it  may  be  well 
to  give  some  account  of  him. 

Little  is  known  of  his  early  life,  for  he  sprang 
from  the  same  obscure  origin  with  Francisco,  and 
seems  to  have  been  as  little  indebted  as  his  elder 
brother  to  the  fostering  care  of  his  parents.  He 
entered  early  on  the  career  of  a  soldier, — a  career 
to  which  every  man  in  that  iron  age,  whether  cava- 
lier or  vagabond,  seems,  if  left  to  himself,  to  have 
most  readily  inclined.  Here  he  soon  distinguished 
himself  by  his  skill  in  martial  exercises,  was 
an  excellent  horseman,  and,  when  he  came  to  the 


*  Carta  de  Carvajal  al  Emperador,  MS. — Montesinos,  Annales, 
MS.,  aflos  1539  et  1541.— Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.— 
Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  7,  cap.  1. — Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica, 
cap.  76,  et  alibi. 


GONZALO    PIZARRO  367 

New   World,   was   esteemed   the   best   lance   in 
Peru.'« 

In  talent  and  in  expansion  of  views  he  was  in- 
ferior to  his  brothers.  Neither  did  he  discover  the 
same  cool  and  crafty  policy;  but  he  was  equally 
courageous,  and  in  the  execution  of  his  measures 
quite  as  unscrupulous.  He  had  a  handsome  per- 
son, with  open,  engaging  features,  a  free,  soldier- 
like address,  and  a  confiding  temper,  which  en- 
deared him  to  his  followers.  His  spirit  was  high 
and  adventurous,  and,  what  was  equally  impor- 
tant, he  could  inspire  others  with  the  same  spirit, 
and  thus  do  much  to  insure  the  success  of  his  en- 
terprises. He  was  an  excellent  captain  in  guerilla 
warfare,  an  admirable  leader  in  doubtful  and  diffi- 
cult expeditions;  but  he  had  not  the  enlarged 
capacity  for  a  great  military  chief,  still  less  for 
a  civil  ruler.  It  was  his  misfortune  to  be  called 
to  fill  both  situations. 

"  The  cavalier  Pizarro  y  Orellana  has  given  biographical  notices 
of  each  of  the  brothers.  It  requires  no  witchcraft  to  detect  that  the 
blood  of  the  Pizarros  flowed  in  the  veins  of  the  writer  to  his  fingers 
ends.    Yet  his  facts  are  less  suspicious  than  his  inferences. 


CHAPTER    IV 

GONZALO  PIZARRO'S  EXPEDITION — PASSAGE  ACROSS 
THE  MOUNTAINS DISCOVERS  THE  NAPO IN- 
CREDIBLE  SUFFERINGS ORELLANA   SAILS  DOWTN 

THE    AMAZON DESPAIR    OF    THE    SPANIARDS 

THE  SURVIVORS  RETURN  TO  QUITO 

1540-1542 

GONZALO  PIZARRO  received  the  news  of 
his  appointment  to  the  government  of  Quito 
with  undisguised  pleasure;  not  so  much  for  the 
possession  that  it  gave  him  of  this  ancient  Indian 
province,  as  for  the  field  that  it  opened  for  dis- 
covery towards  the  east, — the  fabled  land  of  Ori- 
ental spices,  which  had  long  captivated  the  imagi- 
nation of  the  Conquerors.  He  repaired  to  his 
government  without  delay,  and  found  no  difficulty 
in  awakening  a  kindred  enthusiasm  to  his  own  in 
the  bosoms  of  his  followers.  In  a  short  time  he 
mustered  three  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  and 
four  thousand  Indians.  One  hundred  and  fifty 
of  his  company  were  mounted,  and  all  were 
equipped  in  the  most  thorough  manner  for  the 
undertaking.  He  provided,  moreover,  against 
famine  by  a  large  stock  of  provisions,  and  an 
immense  drove  of  swine  which  followed  in  the 


'  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6,  7. — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  2. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  1, 

308 


i5*oj     GONZALO   PIZARRO'S    EXPEDITION      369 

It  was  the  beginning  of  1540  when  he  set  out 
on  this  celebrated  expedition.  The  first  part  of 
the  journey  was  attended  with  comparatively 
little  difficulty,  while  the  Spaniards  were  yet  in 
the  land  of  the  Incas;  for  the  distractions  of 
Peru  had  not  been  felt  in  this  distant  province, 
where  the  simple  people  still  lived  as  under  the 
primitive  sway  of  the  Children  of  the  Sun.  But 
the  scene  changed  as  they  entered  the  territory 
of  Quixos,  where  the  character  of  the  inhabitants, 
as  well  as  of  the  climate,  seemed  to  be  of  another 
description.  The  country  was  traversed  by  lofty 
ranges  of  the  Andes,  and  the  adventurers  were 
soon  entangled  in  their  deep  and  intricate  passes. 
As  they  rose  into  the  more  elevated  regions,  the 
icy  winds  that  swept  down  the  sides  of  the  Cor- 
dilleras benumbed  their  limbs,  and  many  of  the 
natives  found  a  wintry  grave  in  the  wilderness. 
While  crossing  this  formidable  barrier,  they  ex- 
perienced one  of  those  tremendous  earthquakes 
which,  in  these  volcanic  regions,  so  often  shake  the 
mountains  to  their  base.  In  one  place,  the  earth 
was  rent  asunder  by  the  terrible  throes  of  Nature, 
while  streams  of  sulphurous  vapor  issued  from 
the  cavity,  and  a  village  with  some  hundreds  of 
houses  was  precipitated  into  the  frightful  abyss !  ^ 

2. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. — Montesinos,  Annales,  afio 
1539. — Historians  differ  as  to  the  number  of  Gonzalo's  forces, — of 
his  men,  his  horses,  and  his  hogs.  The  last,  according:  to  Herrera, 
amounted  to  no  less  than  5000;  a  goodly  supply  of  bacon  for  so 
small  a  troop,  since  the  Indians,  doubtless,  lived  on  parched  corn, 
coca,  which  usually  formed  their  only  support  on  the  longest 
journeys. 

'  Zarate  states  the  number  with  precision  at  five  hundred  houses. 
"  Sobrevino  vn  tan   gran  Terremoto,   con   temblor,   i  tempestad   de 
Vol.  n.— 24 


370      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

On  descending  the  eastern  slopes,  the  climate 
changed ;  and  as  they  came  on  the  lower  level  the 
fierce  cold  was  succeeded  by  a  suffocating  heat, 
while  tempests  of  thunder  and  lightning,  rushing 
from  out  the  gorges  of  the  sierra,  poured  on  their 
heads  with  scarcely  any  intermission  day  or  night, 
as  if  the  offended  deities  of  the  place  were  willing 
to  take  vengeance  on  the  invaders  of  their  moun- 
tain-solitudes. For  more  than  six  weeks  the  del- 
uge continued  unabated,  and  the  forlorn  wan- 
derers, wet,  and  weary  with  incessant  toil,  were 
scarcely  able  to  drag  their  limbs  along  the  soil 
broken  up  and  saturated  with  the  moisture.  After 
some  months  of  toilsome  travel,  in  which  they  had 
to  cross  many  a  morass  and  mountain-stream,  they 
at  length  reached  Canelas,  the  Land  of  Cinna- 
mon.^ They  saw  the  trees  bearing  the  precious 
bark,  spreading  out  into  broad  forests;  yet,  how- 
ever valuable  an  article  for  commerce  it  might 
have  proved  in  accessible  situations,  in  these  re- 
mote regions  it  was  of  little  worth  to  them.  But, 
from  the  wandering  tribes  of  savages  whom  they 
had  occasionally  met  in  their  path,  they  learned 
that  at  ten  days'  distance  was  a  rich  and  fruitful 
land  abounding  with  gold  and  inhabited  by  popu- 
lous nations.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  already  reached 
the  limits  originally  proposed  for  the  expedition. 
But  this  intelligence  renewed  his  hopes,  and  he 

Ap:ua,  i  Relampapos,  i  Raios,  i  grandes  Truenos,  que  abriendose  la 
Tierra  por  muchas  partes,  se  hundieron  quinientas  Casas."  (Conq. 
del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  2.)  There  is  nothing  so  satisfactory  to  the 
mind  of  the  reader  as  precise  numbers;  and  nothing  so  little  de- 
serving of  his  confidence. 

•  CaTiela  is  the  Spanish  for  cinnamon. 


J^«>J     GONZALO   PIZARRO'S    EXPEDITION     371 

resolved  to  push  the  adventure  farther.  It  would 
have  been  well  for  him  and  his  followers  had  they 
been  content  to  return  on  their  footsteps. 

Continuing  their  march,  the  country  now  spread 
out  into  broad  savannas  terminated  by  forests 
which,  as  they  drew  near,  seemed  to  stretch  on 
every  side  to  the  very  verge  of  the  horizon.  Here 
they  beheld  trees  of  that  stupendous  growth  seen 
only  in  the  equinoctial  regions.  Some  were  so 
large  that  sixteen  men  could  hardly  encompass 
them  with  extended  arms !  ^  *  The  wood  was 
thickly  matted  with  creepers  and  parasitical  vines, 
which  hung  in  gaudy-colored  festoons  from  tree 
to  tree,  clothing  them  in  a  drapery  beautiful  to 
the  eye,  but  forming  an  impenetrable  net-work. 
At  every  step  of  their  way  they  were  obliged  to 
hew  open  a  passage  with  their  axes,  while  their 
garments,  rotting  from  the  effects  of  the  drench- 
ing rains  to  which  they  had  been  exposed,  caught 
in  every  bush  and  bramble,  and  hung  about  them 

*  This,  allowing  six  feet  for  the  spread  of  a  man's  arms,  would  be 
about  ninety-six  feet  in  circumference,  or  thirty-two  feet  in  diame- 
ter,— larger,  probably,  than  the  largest  tree  known  in  Europe.  Yet 
it  falls  short  of  that  famous  giant  of  the  forest  mentioned  by  M.  de 
Humboldt  as  still  flourishing  in  the  intendancy  of  Oaxaca,  which,  by 
the  exact  measurement  of  a  traveller  in  1839,  was  found  to  he  a 
hundred  and  twelve  feet  in  circumference  at  the  height  of  four 
feet  from  the  ground.  This  height  may  correspond  with  that  of 
the  measurement  taken  by  the  Spaniards.  See  a  curious  and 
learned  article  on  Forest-trees  in  No.  124  of  the  North  American 
Review. 

*  [The  "Big  Trees"  (Sequoia  gigantea)  of  California  were  not 
discovered  until  1862.  Sonic  of  tlie  trees  now  standing  in  the  Mari- 
posa Grove  surpass  the  size  of  tliose  mentioned  in  the  text.  A 
prostrate  trunk  near  the  Calaveras  Grove  is  eighteen  feet  in  diameter 
three  hundred  feet  from  its  base.- — M.] 


Sn      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

in  shreds.^  Their  provisions,  spoiled  by  the 
weather,  had  long  since  failed,  and  the  live  stock 
which  they  had  taken  with  them  had  either  been 
consumed  or  made  their  escape  in  the  woods  and 
mountain-passes.  They  had  set  out  with  nearly  a 
thousand  dogs,  many  of  them  of  the  ferocious 
breed  used  in  hunting  down  the  unfortunate  na- 
tives. These  they  now  gladly  killed,  but  their 
miserable  carcasses  furnished  a  lean  banquet  for 
the  famishing  travellers;  and  when  these  were 
gone  they  had  only  such  herbs  and  dangerous 
roots  as  they  could  gather  in  the  forest.^ 

At  length  the  way-worn  company  came  on  a 
broad  expanse  of  water  formed  by  the  Napo,  one 
of  the  great  tributaries  of  the  Amazon,  and  which, 
though  only  a  third-  or  fourth-rate  river  in  Amer- 
ica, would  pass  for  one  of  the  first  magnitude  in 

'The  dramatist  Molina,  in  his  play  of  "Las  Amazonas  en  las 
Indlas,"  has  devoted  some  dozen  columns  of  redondillas  to  an  ac- 
count of  the  sufferings  of  his  countrymen  in  the  expedition  to  the 
Amazon.  The  poet  reckoned  confidently  on  the  patience  of  his 
audience.  The  following  verses  describe  the  niiseralile  condition  to 
which  the  Spaniards  were  reduced  by  the  incessant  rains: 

".Sin  que  el  .Sol  en  esto  tiempo 
Su  cara  vhr  nos  ix'rmita, 
Ni  la-s  niibes  biborneriis 
Cc8.scn  de  echamos  encima 
Dilubios  inagot'iblcs. 
Que  hasta  el  alma  nnx  hautizan. 
Caycron  los  mas  oiifermos, 
Porque  his  ropas  podridas 
Con  el  otcriio  aKua  vh, 
Nos  dex6  en  la.s  carnes  vivas." 

'  Capitulacion  con  Orellana,  MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq., 
MS. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lii).  4,  cap.  2. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6,  7. — Gar- 
cilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  2. — The  last  writer  obtained 
his  information,  as  he  tells  us,  from  several  who  were  present  in  the 
expedition.  The  reader  may  be  assured  that  it  has  lost  nothing  in 
coming  through  his  hands 


15*0]     GONZALO   PIZARRO'S   EXPEDITION     373 

the  Old  World.  The  sight  gladdened  their  hearts, 
as  by  winding  along  its  banks  they  hoped  to  find 
a  safer  and  more  practicable  route.  After  tra- 
versing its  borders  for  a  considerable  distance, 
closely  beset  with  thickets  which  it  taxed  their 
strength  to  the  utmost  to  overcome,  Gonzalo  and 
his  party  came  within  hearing  of  a  rushing  noise 
that  sounded  like  subterranean  thunder.  The 
river,  lashed  into  fury,  tumbled  along  over  rapids 
with  frightful  velocity,  and  conducted  them  to  the 
brink  of  a  magnificent  cataract,  which,  to  their 
wondering  fancies,  rushed  down  in  one  vast  vol- 
ume of  foam  to  the  depth  of  twelve  hundred 
feet  1  ^  The  appalling  sounds  which  they  had 
heard  for  the  distance  of  six  leagues  were  ren- 
dered yet  more  oppressive  to  the  spirits  by  the 
gloomy  stillness  of  the  surrounding  forests.  The 
rude  warriors  were  filled  with  sentiments  of  awe. 
Not  a  bark  dimpled  the  waters.  No  living  thing 
was  to  be  seen  but  the  wild  tenants  of  the  wilder- 
ness, the  unwieldy  boa,  and  the  loathsome  alligator 
basking  on  the  borders  of  the  stream.  The  trees 
towering  in  wide-spread  magnificence  towards  the 

* "  Al  cabo  de  este  largo  camino  hallaron  que  el  rio  hazia  vn  salto 
de  una  pena  de  mas  de  dozientas  bra^as  de  alto:  que  hazia  tan  gran 
ruydo,  que  lo  oyeron  mas  de  seys  leguas  antes  que  Uegassen  a  el." 
(Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  3.)  I  find  nothing  to 
confirm  or  to  confute  the  account  of  this  stupendous  cataract  in  later 
travellers,  not  very  numerous  in  these  wild  regions.  The  alleged 
height  of  the  falls,  twice  that  of  the  great  cataract  of  the  Tequen- 
dama  in  the  Bogota,  as  measured  by  Humboldt,  usually  esteemed 
the  highest  in  America,  is  not  so  great  as  that  of  some  of  the  cas- 
cades thrown  over  the  precipices  in  Switzerland,  Yet  the  estimates 
of  the  Spaniards,  who,  in  the  gloomy  state  of  their  feelings,  were 
doubtless  keenly  alive  to  impressions  of  the  sublime  and  the  terrible, 
cannot  safely  be  relied  on. 


374      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

heavens,  the  river  rolling  on  in  its  rocky  bed  as 
it  had  rolled  for  ages,  the  solitude  and  silence  of 
the  scene,  broken  only  by  the  hoarse  fall  of  waters 
or  the  faint  rustling  of  the  woods, — all  seemed 
to  spread  out  around  them  in  the  same  wild  and 
primitive  state  as  when  they  came  from  the  hands 
of  the  Creator. 

For  some  distance  above  and  below  the  falls, 
the  bed  of  the  river  contracted  so  that  its  width 
did  not  exceed  twenty  feet.  Sorely  pressed  by 
hunger,  the  adventurers  determined,  at  all  haz- 
ards, to  cross  to  the  opposite  side,  in  hopes  of 
finding  a  country  that  might  afford  them  sus- 
tenance. A  frail  bridge  was  constructed  by  throw- 
ing the  huge  trunks  of  trees  across  the  chasm, 
where  the  cliffs,  as  if  split  asunder  by  some  con- 
vulsion of  nature,  descended  sheer  down  a  per- 
pendicular depth  of  several  hundred  feet.  Over 
this  airy  causeway  the  men  and  horses  succeeded 
in  effecting  their  passage,  with  the  loss  of  a  single 
Spaniard,  who,  made  giddy  by  heedlessly  looking 
down,  lost  his  footing  and  fell  into  the  boiling 
surges  below. 

Yet  they  gained  little  by  the  exchange.  The 
country  wore  the  same  unpromising  aspect,  and 
the  river-banks  were  studded  with  gigantic  trees 
or  fringed  with  impenetrable  thickets.  The  tribes 
of  Indians  whom  they  occasionally  met  in  the 
pathless  wilderness  were  fierce  and  unfriendly, 
and  they  were  engaged  in  perpetual  skirmishes 
with  them.  From  these  they  learned  that  a  fruit- 
ful country  was  to  be  found  down  the  river  at  the 
distance  of  only  a  few  days'  journey,  and  the 


i5^j     GONZALO   PIZARRO'S    EXPEDITION      375 

Spaniards  held  on  their  weary  way,  still  hoping 
and  still  deceived,  as  the  promised  land  flitted  be- 
fore them,  like  the  rainbow,  receding  as  they 
advanced. 

At  length,  spent  with  toil  and  suffering,  Gon- 
zalo  resolved  to  construct  a  bark  large  enough  to 
transport  the  weaker  part  of  his  company  and 
his  baggage.  The  forests  furnished  him  with 
timber ;  the  shoes  of  the  horses  which  had  died  on 
the  road  or  been  slaughtered  for  food  were  con- 
verted into  nails;  gum  distilled  from  the  trees 
took  the  place  of  pitch ;  and  the  tattered  garments 
of  the  soldiers  supplied  a  substitute  for  oakum. 
It  was  a  work  of  difficulty;  but  Gonzalo  cheered 
his  men  in  the  task,  and  set  an  example  by  taking 
part  in  their  labors.  At  the  end  of  two  months 
a  brigantine  was  completed,  rudely  put  together, 
but  strong  and  of  sufficient  burden  to  carry  half 
the  company, — the  first  vessel  constructed  by  Eu- 
ropeans that  ever  floated  on  these  inland  waters. 

Gonzalo  gave  the  command  to  Francisco  de 
Orellana,  a  cavalier  from  Truxillo,  on  whose  cour- 
age and  devotion  to  himself  he  thought  he  could 
rely.  The  troops  now  moved  forward,  still  fol- 
lowing the  descending  course  of  the  river,  while 
the  brigantine  kept  alongside;  and  when  a  bold 
promontory  or  more  impracticable  country  inter- 
vened, it  furnished  timely  aid  by  the  transporta- 
tion of  the  feebler  soldiers.  In  this  way  they  jour- 
neyed, for  many  a  wearisome  week,  through  the 
dreary  wilderness  on  the  borders  of  the  Napo. 
Every  scrap  of  provisions  had  been  long  since 
consumed.     The  last   of  their  horses   had  been 


376      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

devoured.  To  appease  the  gna wings  of  hunger, 
they  were  fain  to  eat  the  leather  of  their  saddles 
and  belts.  The  woods  supplied  them  with  scanty 
sustenance,  and  they  greedily  fed  upon  toads,  ser- 
pents, and  such  other  reptiles  as  they  occasionally 
found.^ 

They  were  now  told  of  a  rich  district,  inhabited 
by  a  populous  nation,  where  the  Napo  emptied 
into  a  still  greater  river  that  flowed  towards  the 
east.  It  was,  as  usual,  at  the  distance  of  several 
days'  journey;  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  resolved  to 
halt  where  he  was  and  send  Orellana  down  in  his 
brigantine  to  the  confluence  of  the  waters  to  pro- 
cure a  stock  of  provisions,  with  which  he  might 
return  and  put  them  in  condition  to  resume  their 
march.  That  cavalier,  accordingly,  taking  with 
him  fifty  of  the  adventurers,  pushed  ofl"  into  the 
middle  of  the  river,  where  the  stream  ran  swiftly, 
and  his  bark,  taken  by  the  current,  shot  forward 
with  the  speed  of  an  arrow  and  was  soon  out  of 
sight. 

Days  and  weeks  passed  away,  yet  the  vessel  did 
not  return;  and  no  speck  was  to  be  seen  on  the 
waters,  as  the  Spaniards  strained  their  eyes  to  the 
farthest  point,  where  the  line  of  light  faded  away 
in  the  dark  shadows  of  the  foliage  on  the  borders. 
Detachments  were  sent  out,  and,  though  absent 

• "  Yeruas  y  rayzes,  y  f ruta  siluestre,  sapos,  y  culebras,  y  otras 
malas  sauandijas,  si  las  aula  por  aquellas  nioritartas  que  todo  les 
hazia  buen  estomago  a  los  Espanoles;  que  peor  les  yua  con  la  falta 
de  cosas  tan  viles."  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. — 
Capitulacion  con  Orellana,  MS. — Ilerrera,  Hist,  general,  doc.  6, 
lib.  8,  cap.  7. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  3,  4. — Gomara, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. 


15^]     GONZALO   PIZARRO'S    EXPEDITION     377 

several  days,  came  back  without  intelligence  of 
their  comrades.  Unable  longer  to  endure  this 
suspense,  or,  indeed,  to  maintain  themselves  in 
their  present  quarters,  Gonzalo  and  his  famish- 
ing followers  now  determined  to  proceed  towards 
the  junction  of  the  rivers.  Two  months  elapsed 
before  they  accomplished  this  terrible  journey, — 
those  of  them  who  did  not  perish  on  the  way, — 
although  the  distance  probably  did  not  exceed  two 
hundred  leagues;  and  they  at  length  reached  the 
spot  so  long  desired,  where  the  Napo  pours  its  tide 
into  the  Amazon,  that  mighty  stream,  which,  fed 
by  its  thousand  tributaries,  rolls  on  towards  the 
ocean,  for  many  hundred  miles,  through  the  heart 
of  the  great  continent, — the  most  majestic  of 
American  rivers. 

But  the  Spaniards  gathered  no  tidings  of  Orel- 
lana,  while  the  country,  though  more  populous 
than  the  region  they  had  left,  was  as  little  in- 
viting in  its  aspect,  and  was  tenanted  by  a  race 
yet  more  ferocious.  They  now  abandoned  the 
hope  of  recovering  their  comrades,  who  they  sup- 
posed must  have  miserably  perished  by  famine  or 
by  the  hands  of  the  natives.  But  their  doubts  were 
at  length  dispelled  by  the  appearance  of  a  white 
man  wandering  half  naked  in  the  woods,  in  whose 
famine-stricken  countenance  they  recognized  the 
features  of  one  of  their  countrymen.  It  was 
Sanchez  de  Vargas,  a  cavalier  of  good  descent, 
and  much  esteemed  in  the  arm5\  He  had  a  dismal 
tale  to  tell. 

Orellana,  borne  swiftly  down  the  current  of  tlie 
Napo,  had  reached  the  point  of  its  confluence  with 


S78      Cn^IL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

the  Amazon  in  less  than  three  days, — accomplish- 
ing in  this  brief  space  of  time  what  had  cost  Pi- 
zarro  and  his  company  two  months.  He  had 
found  the  country  altogether  different  from  what 
had  been  represented;  and,  so  far  from  supplies 
for  his  countrymen,  he  could  barely  obtain  sus- 
tenance for  himself.  Nor  was  it  possible  for  him 
to  return  as  he  had  come,  and  make  head  against 
the  current  of  the  river;  while  the  attempt  to 
journey  by  land  was  an  alternative  scarcely  less 
formidable.  In  this  dilemma  an  idea  flashed 
across  his  mind.  It  was  to  launch  his  bark  at 
once  on  the  bosom  of  the  Amazon  and  descend 
its  waters  to  its  mouth.  He  would  then  visit  the 
rich  and  populous  nations  that,  as  report  said, 
lined  its  borders,  sail  out  on  the  great  ocean, 
cross  to  the  neighboring  isles,  and  return  to  Spain 
to  claim  the  glory  and  the  guerdon  of  discovery. 
The  suggestion  was  eagerly  taken  up  by  his  reck- 
less companions,  welcoming  any  course  that  would 
rescue  them  from  the  wretchedness  of  their  pres- 
ent existence,  and  fired  with  the  prospect  of  new 
and  stirring  adventure, — for  the  love  of  adventure 
was  the  last  feeling  to  become  extinct  in  the  bosom 
of  the  Castilian  cavalier.  They  heeded  little  their 
unfortunate  comrades  whom  they  were  to  abandon 
in  the  wilderness !  ® 

•This  statement  of  De  Vargas  was  confirmed  by  Orellana,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  language  of  the  royal  grant  made  to  that  cavalier  on 
his  return  to  Castile.  The  document  is  preserved  entire  in  the 
Mufioz  collection  of  MSS. :  "  Havicndo  vos  ido  con  ciertos  coni- 
pafleros  un  rio  abajo  &  buscar  comida,  con  la  corriente  fuistes  meti- 
dos  por  el  dicho  rio  mas  de  200  leguas  donde  no  pudistes  dar  la 
buelta  ^  por  esta  necesidad  ^  por  la  niucha  noticia  que  tuvistos  de  la 
grandeza   i   riqueza   de  la   tierra,   posponiendo   vuestro  peligro,   sin 


15*1]  ORELLANA'S    EXPEDITION  379 

This  is  not  the  place  to  record  the  circumstances 
of  Orellana's  extraordinary  expedition.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  his  enterprise.  But  it  is  marvellous  that 
he  should  have  escaped  shipwreck  in  the  perilous 
and  unknown  navigation  of  that  river.  Many 
times  his  vessel  was  nearly  dashed  to  pieces  on  its 
rocks  and  in  its  furious  rapids;  ^^  and  he  was  in 
still  greater  peril  from  the  warlike  tribes  on  its 
borders,  who  fell  on  his  little  troop  whenever  he 
attempted  to  land,  and  followed  in  his  wake  for 
miles  in  their  canoes.  He  at  length  emerged  from 
the  great  river;  and,  once  upon  the  sea,  Orellana 
made  for  the  isle  of  Cubagua ;  thence  passing  over 
to  Spain,  he  repaired  to  court,  and  told  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  voyage, — of  the  nations  of 
Amazons  whom  he  had  found  on  the  banks  of 
the  river,  the  El  Dorado  which  report  assured  him 
existed  in  the  neighborhood,  and  other  marvels, — 
the  exaggeration  rather  than  the  coinage  of  a 
credulous  fancy.  His  audience  listened  with  will- 
ing ears  to  the  tales  of  the  traveller;  and  in  an 
age  of  wonders,  when  the  mysteries  of  the  East 
and  the  West  were  hourly  coming  to  light,  they 
might  be  excused  for  not  discerning  the  true  line 
between  romance  and  reality.^  ^ 

interes  ninguno  por  servir  &  S.  M.  os  aventurastes  d  saber  lo  que 
havia  en  aquellas  provincias,  6  ansi  descubristes  6  hallastes  grandes 
poblaciones."     Capitulacion  con  Orellana,  MS. 

'"  Condamine,  who,  in  1743,  went  down  the  Amazon,  has  often 
occasion  to  notice  the  perils  and  perplexities  in  which  he  was  involved 
in  the  navigation  of  this  river,  too  difficnlt,  as  he  says,  to  be  under- 
taken without  the  guidance  of  a  skilful  pilot.  See  his  Relation 
abr^gee  d'un  Voyage  fait  dans  I'lnterieur  de  I'Amerique  M^ridionale 
(Maestricht,  1778). 

"  It  has  not  been  easy  to  discern  the  exact  line  in  later  times, 
with  all  the  lights  of  modern  discovery.    Condamine,  after  a  careful 


380      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

He  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  commis- 
sion to  conquer  and  colonize  the  realms  he  had 
discovered.  He  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head 
of  five  hundred  followers,  prepared  to  share  the 
perils  and  the  profits  of  his  expedition.  But 
neither  he  nor  his  country  was  destined  to  realize 
these  profits.  He  died  on  his  outward  passage, 
and  the  lands  washed  by  the  Amazon  fell  within 
the  territories  of  Portugal.  The  unfortunate 
navigator  did  not  even  enjoy  the  undivided 
honor  of  giving  his  name  to  the  waters  he 
had  discovered.  He  enjoyed  only  the  barren 
glory  of  the  discovery,  surely  not  balanced 
by  the  iniquitous  circumstances  which  attended 
it.^=^ 

One  of  Orellana's  party  maintained  a  stout 
opposition  to  his  proceedings,  as  repugnant  both 
to  humanity  and  honor.  This  was  Sanchez  de 
Vargas;  and  the  cruel  commander  was  revenged 
on  him  by  abandoning  him  to  his  fate  in  the  deso- 

investigation,  considers  that  there  is  good  ground  for  believing  in  the 
existence  of  a  community  of  armed  women  once  living  somewhere  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Amazon,  though  they  have  now  disap- 
peared. It  would  be  hard  to  disprove  the  fact,  but  still  harder,  con- 
sidering the  embarrassments  in  perpetuating  such  a  community,  to 
believe  it.    Voyage  dans  I'Am^rique  M^ridionale,  p.  99,  et  seq. 

"  "  His  crime  is  in  some  measure  balanced  by  the  glory  of  having 
ventured  upon  a  navigation  of  near  two  thousand  leagues,  through 
unknown  nations,  in  a  vessel  hastily  constructed,  with  green  timber, 
and  by  very  unskilful  hands,  without  provisions,  without  a  compass 
or  a  pilot."  (Robertson,  America  (ed.  Ix)ndon,  1796),  vol.  iii.  p.  84.) 
The  historian  of  America  does  not  hold  the  moral  balance  with  as 
unerring  a  hand  as  usual,  in  his  judgment  of  Orellana's  splendid 
enterprise.  No  success,  however  splendid,  in  the  language  of  one 
not  too  severe  a  moralist, 

"  Can  blazon  evil  deeds  or  consecrate  a  crime." 


15«]        DESPAIR    OF    THE    SPANIARDS         381 

late  region  where  he  was  now  found  by  his  coun- 
trymen.'* 

The  Spaniards  hstened  with  horror  to  the  re- 
cital of  Vargas,  and  their  blood  almost  froze  in 
their  veins  as  they  saw  themselves  thus  deserted 
in  the  heart  of  this  remote  wilderness  and  de- 
prived of  their  only  means  of  escape  from  it. 
They  made  an  effort  to  prosecute  their  journey 
along  the  banks,  but,  after  some  toilsome  days, 
strength  and  spirits  failed,  and  they  gave  up  in 
despair ! 

Then  it  was  that  the  qualities  of  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro,  as  a  fit  leader  in  the  hour  of  despondency 
and  danger,  shone  out  conspicuous.  To  advance 
farther  was  hopeless.  To  stay  where  they  were, 
without  food  or  raiment,  without  defence  from 
the  fierce  animals  of  the  forest  and  the  fiercer 
natives,  was  impossible.  One  only  course  re- 
mained: it  was  to  return  to  Quito.  But  this 
brought  with  it  the  recollection  of  the  past,  of 

"  An  expedition  more  remarkable  than  that  of  Orellana  was  per- 
formed by  a  delicate  female,  Madame  Godin,  who  in  1769  attempted 
to  descend  the  Amazon  in  an  open  boat  to  its  mouth.  She  was 
attended  by  seven  persons,  two  of  them  her  brothers,  and  two  her 
female  domestics.  The  boat  was  wrecked,  and  Madame  Godin,  nar- 
rowly escaping  with  her  life,  endeavored  with  her  party  to  accom- 
plish the  remainder  of  her  journey  on  foot.  She  saw  them  perish, 
one  after  another,  of  hunger  and  disease,  till  she  was  left  alone  in 
the  howling  wilderness.  Still,  like  Milton's  lady  in  Comus,  she  was 
permitted  to  come  safely  out  of  all  these  perils,  and,  after  unparal- 
leled sufferings,  falling  in  with  some  friendly  Indians,  she  was  con- 
ducted by  them  to  a  French  settlement.  Though  a  young  woman,  it 
will  not  be  surprising  that  the  hardships  and  terrors  she  endured 
turned  her  hair  perfectly  white.  The  details  of  the  extraordinary 
story  are  given  in  a  letter  to  M.  de  la  Condamine  by  her  husband, 
who  tells  them  in  an  earnest,  unaffected  way  that  engages  our  con- 
fidence.    Voyage  dans  I'Am^rique  Meridionale,  p.  329,  et  seq. 


382      CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

sufferings  which  they  could  too  well  estimate, — 
hardly  to  be  endured  even  in  imagination.  They 
were  now  at  least  four  hundred  leagues  from 
Quito,  and  more  than  a  year  had  elapsed  since 
they  had  set  out  on  their  painful  pilgrim- 
age. How  could  they  encounter  these  perils 
again!  ^^ 

Yet  there  was  no  alternative.  Gonzalo  en- 
deavored to  reassure  his  followers  by  dwelling 
on  the  invincible  constancy  they  had  hitherto 
displayed,  adjuring  them  to  show  themselves 
still  worthy  of  the  name  of  Castilians.  He  re- 
minded them  of  the  glory  they  would  forever 
acquire  by  their  heroic  achievement,  when  they 
should  reach  their  own  country.  He  would  lead 
them  back,  he  said,  by  another  route,  and  it  could 
not  be  but  that  they  should  meet  somewhere  with 
those  fruitful  regions  of  which  they  had  so  often 
heard.  It  was  something,  at  least,  that  every  step 
would  take  them  nearer  home;  and  as,  at  all 
events,  it  was  clearly  the  only  course  now  left, 
they  should  prepare  to  meet  it  like  men.  The 
spirit  would  sustain  the  body;  and  difficulties  en- 
countered in  the  right  spirit  were  half  vanquished 
already ! 

The  soldiers  listened  eagerly  to  his  words  of 
promise  and  encouragement.  The  confidence  of 
their  leader  gave  life  to  the  desponding.     They 

"  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  5. — Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  G,  lib.  8,  cap.  8. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. 
— Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. — One  must  not  expect  from 
these  wanderers  in  the  wilderness  any  exact  computation  of  time  or 
distance,  destitute  as  they  were  of  the  means  of  making  a  correct 
observation  of  either. 


1542J    THE  SURVIVORS  RETURN  TO  QUITO   383 

felt  the  force  of  his  reasoning,  and,  as  they  lent 
a  willing  ear  to  his  assurances,  the  pride  of  the 
old  Castilian  honor  revived  in  their  bosoms,  and 
every  one  caught  somewhat  of  the  generous  en- 
thusiasm of  their  conmiander.  He  was,  in  truth, 
entitled  to  their  devotion.  From  the  first  hour 
of  the  expedition  he  had  freely  borne  his  part  in 
its  privations.  Far  from  claiming  the  advantage 
of  his  position,  he  had  taken  his  lot  with  the  poor- 
est soldier,  ministering  to  the  wants  of  the  sick, 
cheering  up  the  spirits  of  the  desponding,  sharing 
his  stinted  allowance  with  his  famished  followers, 
bearing  his  full  part  in  the  toil  and  burden  of  the 
march,  ever  showing  himself  their  faithful  com- 
rade, no  less  than  their  captain.  He  found  the 
benefit  of  this  conduct  in  a  trying  hour  like  the 
present. 

I  will  spare  the  reader  the  recapitulation  of  the 
sufferings  endured  by  the  Spaniards  on  their 
retrograde  march  to  Quito.  They  took  a  more 
northerly  route  than  that  by  which  they  had  ap- 
proached the  Amazon;  and,  if  it  was  attended 
with  fewer  difiiculties,  they  experienced  yet 
greater  distresses  from  their  greater  inability 
to  overcome  them.  Their  only  nourishment  was 
such  scanty  fare  as  they  could  pick  up  in  the 
forest,  or  happily  meet  with  in  some  forsaken 
Indian  settlement,  or  wring  by  violence  from 
the  natives.  Some  sickened  and  sank  down  by 
the  way,  for  there  was  none  to  help  them.  In- 
tense misery  had  made  them  selfish ;  and  many  a 
poor  wretch  was  abandoned  to  his  fate,  to  die 
alone  in  the  wilderness,  or,  more  probably,  to  be 


884      CrV  IL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS 

devoured,  while  living,  by  the  wild  animals  which 
roamed  over  it. 

At  length,  in  June,  1542,  after  somewhat  more 
than  a  year  consumed  in  their  homeward  march, 
the  waj^vorn  company  came  on  the  elevated  plains 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Quito.  But  how  different 
their  aspect  from  that  which  they  had  exhibited 
on  issuing  from  the  gates  of  the  same  capital,  two 
years  and  a  half  before,  with  high  romantic  hope 
and  in  all  the  pride  of  military  array!  Their 
horses  gone,  their  arms  broken  and  rusted,  the 
skins  of  wild  animals  instead  of  clothes  hanging 
loosely  about  their  limbs,  their  long  and  matted 
locks  streaming  wildly  down  their  shoulders,  their 
faces  burned  and  blackened  by  the  tropical  sun, 
their  bodies  wasted  by  famine  and  sorely  disfig- 
ured by  scars, — it  seemed  as  if  the  charnel-house 
had  given  up  its  dead,  as,  with  uncertain  step, 
they  glided  slowly  onwards,  like  a  troop  of  dismal 
spectres!  More  than  half  of  the  four  thousand 
Indians  who  had  accompanied  the  expedition  had 
perished,  and  of  the  Spaniards  only  eighty,  and 
many  of  these  irretrievably  broken  in  constitu- 
tion, returned  to  Quito.^'^ 

The  few  Christian  inhabitants  of  the  place,  with 

"Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  4,  cap.  5. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. — Garcilasso,  Com. 
Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  15. — Hcrrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  7,  lib.  3, 
cap.  14. — The  last  historian,  in  dismi.ssing  his  account  of  the  expedi- 
tion, passes  a  panep^'ric  on  the  courasre  and  constancy  of  his  country- 
men, which  we  must  admit  to  be  well  deserved:  "  Finalmente,  Gon- 
calb  Pizarro  euv  S  en  el  Quito,  triunfando  del  valor,  i  sufrimicnto, 
i  de  la  constancia,  recto  ^  immutable  vigor  del  animn,  pues  Hombres 
Humanos  no  se  hallan  haver  tanto  sufrido,  ni  padecido  tantas  des- 
venturas."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


1542]    THE  SURVIVORS  RETURN  TO  QUITO   385 

their  wives  and  children,  came  out  to  welcome 
their  countrymen.  They  ministered  to  them  all 
the  relief  and  refreshment  in  their  power;  and, 
as  they  listened  to  the  sad  recital  of  their  suff'er- 
ings,  they  mingled  their  tears  with  those  of  the 
wanderers.  The  whole  company  then  entered  the 
capital,  where  their  first  act — to  their  credit  be  it 
mentioned — was  to  go  in  a  body  to  the  church  and 
offer  up  thanksgivings  to  the  Almighty  for  their 
miraculous  preservation  through  their  long  and 
perilous  pilgrimage.^  ^  Such  was  the  end  of  the 
expedition  to  the  Amazon, — an  expedition  which, 
for  its  dangers  and  hardships,  the  length  of  their 
duration,  and  the  constancy  with  which  they  were 
endured,  stands  perhaps  unmatched  in  the  annals 
of  American  discovery. 

"Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. 
Vol.  II.— 25 


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